Why we should vote “yes” on the Health and Dental Plan fee increase

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February 23, 2025

image (1) (1) — Yearly health insurance fees of Canadian universities. IMAGE: Courtesy of Simon Fraser Student Society

By: Emmanuel Adegboyega, SFU Student

Editor’s note: This was written by the Simon Fraser Student Society president endorsing a referendum he has worked on. The Peak will not be financially compensating Adegboyega as per our conflict of interest policy, which states that when an employee of the SFSS writes on issues of student politics, that piece shall not be paid. The Peak’s coverage of the referendum is not influenced by the SFSS. This is an Opinions article that reflects the opinion of the author. The Peak was not able to independently verify the SFSS’ data on increasing claims from students due to confidentiality.

I will be the first to admit that increasing fees is unpopular. But stay with me as I explain to you why this is necessary, and what you have to gain from this.

The SFSS is conducting a referendum to propose a one-time increase to its Health and Dental Plan fees from $267.08 to $364.08 per year. On a separate question, the referendum proposes allowing the SFSS Council the ability to adjust this fee for inflation by up to 5% annually, if necessary (meaning this would not happen by default). It is important to note these two questions are independent of one another.

With rising costs, the current fee cap can no longer sustain the plan. If students vote against the increase, the SFSS may need to reduce costs by cutting benefits, resulting in less coverage and higher out-of-pocket expenses. Without this adjustment, the plan may no longer adequately meet your healthcare needs. To continue providing essential services, the SFSS must ensure that fees keep pace with growing expenses.

The last successful fee increase referendum took place over a decade ago, in 2014, when the plan fee rose from $198 to $255. In the last decade, the SFSS Health and Dental Plan fee has increased by only 5% (to the current $267.08). Let that sink in.

With rising costs, the current fee cap can no longer sustain the plan.

The reason for holding the referendum at this time is the SFSS Health and Dental Plan has reached its fee ceiling, and without your approval, the SFSS cannot raise fees beyond the current cap. On the other hand, the costs of providing this service have increased every year due to inflation and soaring claims. This reality has the SFSS stuck between a rock and a hard place.

In past years, the cost of literally everything has increased and this service is no exception. However, our fees have not kept up with inflation. If we simply account for this, since the last fee increase in 2014, our current fees should be at $334.13 today.

To put this in context, this referendum is proposing a new fee of $364.08 — an additional $29.95 to what it should be if we factor for inflation only.

Increased usage and claims by students are also contributing to the rising premiums. If you drive a car, you already understand that if you submit a claim, you can fully expect your premiums to increase at renewal. The Health and Dental Plan works in a broadly similar way. Last year alone, students accessed a record $4.6 million in health and dental services, marking a 35% increase in claims over the past five years, according to annual confidential reports that could not be shared with The Peak. This growing reliance on the plan is proof that students need this program now more than ever. However, this also means premiums need to rise to match demand. The SFSS has always worked hard to balance affordability with accessibility, but continued rising usage and service costs now necessitate this fee increase.

While it’s difficult to swallow the idea of a fee increase, it’s important to put it in context. The SFSS Health and Dental Plan fees are among the lowest of comparable student associations — UBC’s current fee for undergraduate students sits at $367. If this referendum passes, the SFSS will bring its fees in line with those of other associations, ensuring that we continue to offer robust coverage without compromising on the quality of care students receive.

It’s also important to remember you have options. If you have an existing coverage plan through a parent, partner, or employer, you can opt-out and receive a full refund. However, not every student has the option of alternative coverage, and for some students, this is the only health plan they receive. You can also choose to downgrade from the Enhanced Care Plan to the Basic Care Plan for less coverage at a lower fee. Alternatively, you can keep the Enhanced Care Plan for comprehensive coverage. The bottom line is: supporting the Health and Dental Plan Fee Increase is an investment in your well-being and the well-being of your peers. So, as you head to the polls (SFU inboxes) on February 27–28, consider the long-term impact on your health — and vote to support the plan that serves you.

What the SFSS presidential candidates are fighting for this election

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February 23, 2025

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This is a photo of an orange door that says “executive committee” vertically on the side of it on the window. — PHOTO: Courtesy of The Peak

By: Phone Min Thant, Staff Writer, and Hannah Fraser, News Editor

Every year, the Simon Fraser Student Society (SFSS) elects student representatives to its executive committee. This year, 23 candidates are campaigning for the seven positions: SFSS president and six vice presidents. The campaign period began on February 10 and will run until February 26, during which the candidates attempt to make their visions heard. Election day is February 27–28.

No role is more encompassing than that of the SFSS president. The presidential office-holder has the responsibility of representing “the society on formal occasions,” ensuring executives “carry out their assigned duties,” and chairing executive committee meetings. The president also ensures members abide by the SFSS’ bylaws, contracts, and policies. They work more closely with legal counsel and vice-president of finance and services to ensure all contracts are “in the best interests of the society” as well.

This year, two candidates vie to become the next SFSS president: Landy Liu and Mehtab Singh. The Peak reached out to the candidates to learn more about their visions for the SFU community, but didn’t hear back before the publication deadline. The following statements are taken from what’s available on their online platforms.

Landy Liu

Liu is a fourth-year chemistry student with a minor in nuclear science who has taken on a number of roles in SFU student groups. From 2021–24, Liu has been the Science Undergraduate Society president, vice-president academic and student affairs, and first-year representative. He is currently the Residence Hall Association vice-president internal and national, Chemistry Student Society SFSS representative, and alternate for the science undergraduate student representative in the SFU Senate. He stated he is committed to improving SFU’s sense of community and accountability around the SFSS’ use of funds.

Liu stated his plans to create an optional “SFSS pro membership,” in which “the SFSS could partner with local restaurants and services to provide additional discounts/benefits.” He also proposed a “community-led merchandise collaboration” created by SFU artists and the return of The Study — a bar and arcade across from the WAC Bennett Library on the Burnaby campus as “an important hub for socialization.” The Study “temporarily closed for an undetermined amount of time” from November 12, 2024.

No role is more encompassing than that of the SFSS president.

The former Science Undergraduate Society president also aims to “continue supporting free student services” like “the Health and Dental Plan, SUB constituency group services, pancake breakfasts, and emergency food vouchers.” He wants “SFSS society updates and summaries of meeting minutes” to be released regularly, which “could take on forms of videos, newsletter, or town halls.”

Mehtab Singh

Singh stated he is committed to “make SFU safe, especially at night,” and “fight for affordable housing and food.” On the topic of SFU safety, Singh plans to add “security patrols and emergency call stations where students actually need them,” as well as a “Safe Rides program — a student-run shuttle for late-night commutes.” As for affordability, he promises to “push for more student housing and fair rent policies” as well as “expand meal plan options and grocery discounts.”

Singh is also committed to making SFU more sustainable by offering “more affordable plant-based food and better campus meal options.” He also wants to add “more bike racks, e-bike stations, and safe pedestrian routes so students have real options.” On the topic of transportation, he also wants to “demand more frequent buses, especially at night and during peak hours” and “expand the U-Pass program to include better transit options.”

The presidential candidate also expressed wanting to make a raccoon the SFSS mascot. Singh stated he will push for “raccoon-themed events, merch, and a student-chosen name for our new mascot,” as well as a “raccoon fund.” This fund would be “dedicated to student-led events, food programs, and campus life improvements.”

To learn more about the SFSS and the executive roles this election, read the Features article on page 8.

Thierry Henry, an Olympian with the talent of scoring

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February 21, 2025

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A child watching Thierry Henry highlights on a TV in their room. Posters of Henry are hung up around the walls. — ILLUSTRATION: Abigail Streifel / The Peak

By: Yildiz Subuk, Staff Writer

I’ve never been fond of Arsenal as a soccer club. I don’t know if it’s the jerseys, the fanbase, or the team’s ability to have remarkable seasons before “blowing it” when it matters most. However, there is one player I will always respect and admire, Thierry Henry.

As a child, watching footage of Henry play felt like witnessing a superhuman compete against a team of athletes trying to keep up. His pace was unbelievable, to the point where he could make headlines at the Olympics for sprinting competitions. His accuracy, dribbling, and ball control were impressive, especially when considering the top speed he reached was 39.2 km/hr, the fastest recorded in a major soccer league. That would mean that Henry was about 10 km/hr short of the speed limit for most towns, but he was also balancing a ball with his feet while moving past a team’s defence and deciding how to line up a shot.

I got into soccer during a time when Henry was out of his prime. It was 2013, and Henry had gone from playing in the top leagues in Europe, to the MLS, a place where many legends now go to retire. At the time, Henry was playing for the New York Red Bulls, with many other remarkable players dominating the headlines. FC Barcelona was a force in major sports. I thought I knew a good amount about Barcelona until a clip of Henry came up. I had never seen or heard of Henry before. The clip was an interview with him after Barcelona won the Champions League finals in the 2008–09 season against Manchester United. As he spoke, he teared up. Little did I know, this was Henry’s moment of realization — he’d finally won the last major trophy he had yet to win in his career.

“Henry was about 10 km/hr short of the speed limit for most towns, but he was also balancing a ball with his feet while moving past a team’s defence and deciding how to line up a shot.”

This was also towards the end of Henry’s remarkable career playing in a top-five league. He had reached the fastest speed ever recorded on the pitch, became Arsenal’s top scorer with 228 goals (a record he still holds today), and won the World Cup and the Euro, along with many domestic trophies. Henry also played a crucial part in Arsenal’s historic unbeaten season in 2004 and is often considered one of the best players to never win a men’s Ballon d’Or, which is awarded yearly to the best player.

Watching Henry often reminded me that there are some players who everyone wishes they played like, and whose ability seems impossible to reach, despite the practice. While many noticeably talented players can dribble well and shoot on target, not many can sprint across the entire pitch so effortlessly. At times, clips of Henry seemed almost edited. After a stellar career, Henry retired in 2014. While I always viewed him as someone with exceptional talent, a recent interview shed some light on the fact that Henry did eventually burn out and reach his limit.

“I wanted to run. I couldn’t,” he told the interviewer, as he described how his daughter wanted to play tag with him one day, but the pain in his leg restricted him from getting up and chasing her. He elaborated on how he had been feeling pain in his achilles for nearly 10 years, but continued playing. While this information saddened me, it was a stark reminder of the fact that despite your physical capabilities, you will reach your limits. Despite reaching his limit, Henry became a legend — someone who, for a moment in time, made his own soccer clips seem like they were moving at twice the speed.

A taste of Ethiopia in Vancouver at Fassil Ethiopian Restaurant

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February 21, 2025

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a white building with a white awning that reads “Fassil restaurant Ethiopian cuisine” in green. — PHOTO: Amirul Anirban / The Peak

By: Phone Min Thant, Staff Writer

Last week, I had the chance to visit Fassil Ethiopian Restaurant, home to warm meals and located not too far from the hustle and bustle of the Commercial-Broadway skytrain station. It’s named after King Fassil (Emperor Fasiladas), who founded Gondar, a city in Ethiopia, after “tiring of the pattern of migration that had characterized the lifestyle of so many of his forefathers.”

As soon as I entered, I was greeted by a neat interior gracefully filled with paintings ranging from everyday Ethiopian landscapes to portraits. There were only two staff on the floor on that snowy Thursday night, and both of them welcomed me enthusiastically as soon as I entered. I was immediately entranced by the traditional Ethiopian music that played constantly from the two speakers right above the cashier corner. From the start, it felt like a warm visit to your grandparents’ house.

Once I sat down, I was given a menu and ample time and space to decide on what to get. Soon, the chefs themselves came out to greet all the tables. When I admitted this was my first time trying Ethiopian cuisine, huge smiles dawned on their faces. I was recommended to get a taste of everything, so I ordered a veggie combo, a serving of siga keye wot (beef stew with spicy sauce), and doro wot (chicken thigh stew with boiled egg, onions, garlic, and spices).

The food arrived — unexpectedly, in a huge silver platter with all my orders on it. Accompanying this platter was a plate of injera (flatbread) that was supposed to be eaten together with the stews and veggies. One thing I noticed once all the food arrived was there were no utensils. Fassil encourages the Ethiopian tradition of Gursha, which is the practice of eating using your bare hands. Understanding my unfamiliarity with Ethiopian cuisine, the staff, with their ever-appreciative courtesy, came up to my table and helped me figure out how to eat the other dishes with injera. Eating with bare hands was definitely a fun experience, and brought back many memories from my childhood back in Southeast Asia. I never thought a visit to an Ethiopian restaurant would open my eyes to the similarities in cultures and traditions from across continents.

The food itself was scrumptious, and the soft, slightly-tangy injera paired perfectly with the rich, spicy stews so much so that the plate emptied before I realized it. But fret not, the silver platter earlier came with its own huge portion of injera. My favourite was the doro wot. The onion and garlic base of the stew stood in contrast to the otherwise light accompaniments of vegetables, making an interesting but suitable match.

Getting the combo was a great idea. I was able to try out so many different pairings between the veggies and the two meat dishes — the combination of beef stew and chickpeas comes in a close second. Both meat dishes were unbelievably tender. The tiniest of pressure from your hand will break the chunks apart. Overall, the flavours were rich, spice-heavy, tangy, and heartwarming. My only regret was not being able to try their asa tibs (fried spiced basa fillet), mostly because the portions were already pretty huge even without it. Their menu also has a wide variety of drinks so don’t forget to grab a beverage to wash it all down! And the best part? You won’t have to break the bank. The combo with two meat dishes only came down to $50, and I got both dinner and takeout for days.

Fassil is an ideal place, whether you want to have a quiet dinner trying out a cuisine you have never had before, or want to split a huge meal with your friends. I do recommend going with friends though, because you are definitely going to need help breaking down the huge portions of food. I found this out the hard way. Plus, it is more fun when everyone is digging into the same platter recommending radically different combinations to each other — truly practicing Gursha without having to visit Ethiopia (yet). Dining at Fassil was such an unforgettable experience, and I can’t wait to go back.

Tezeta, a dive into Ethiopia’s music scene and its Armenian influences

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February 21, 2025

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Three older men laugh while staring out at something past the camera lens. — IMAGE: Courtesy of Ahura Mazda and I. C. Penguins

By: Yildiz Subuk, Staff Writer

Content warning: brief mention of genocide.

The Middle East and North Africa (MENA) film festival, held at the VIFF centre, has had an expansive catalogue of unique films and documentaries which capture stories from these regions. Tezeta, directed by Aramazt Kalayjian and Garegin Papoyan, unveils the rich contributions that Armenians have made to Ethiopian history. The film focuses on the power of nostalgia, and how music evokes longing emotions that connect them to their identity.

The filmmaker’s journey starts with an obsession with a picture. In the photo are 40 Armenian orphans, survivors from the Ottoman Empire’s Armenian genocide, who were adopted by an Ethiopian emperor, Haile Selassie, to start an orchestra. While the film seems like it may explore the lives of the orphans, the unheard testimonies of their relatives, or their history, it instead uses it to set a tone. Audiences see the story of one of the last Armenian artists in Ethiopia, Vahe Tilbian, unfold. The brief use of the photograph sets a powerful narrative in motion.

Tilbian’s story is one of personal conflict. He struggles with identity and a drive to keep making music despite loving the art. While Tilbian was born and brought up in Ethiopia, his Armenian pigment is much lighter than those around him. Since much of the Armenian community in Ethiopia left for North America and Europe after the Derg military took over in 1974, Tilbian is one of a few still left. He loves the culture and music scene, and his concern has less to do with entering mainstream charts and more to do with reaching a point where he doesn’t feel out of place with his identity. Audiences are presented with three stages of the musician’s career, seeing his personal conflict unfold, but also seeing the profound ways in which he navigates his goals through music.

“While the film seems like it may explore the lives of the orphans, the unheard testimonies of their relatives, or their history, it instead uses it to set a tone. Audiences see the story of one of the last remaining Armenian artists in Ethiopia, Vahe Tilbian, unfold.”

As the filmmakers journey through Addis Ababa, the capital of Ethiopia, audiences discover the story of a jazz club that united many musicians like Alèmayèhu Eshèté (dubbed as “Ethiopian Elvis” in the film) and Mulatu Astatke, the man known as the creator of “Ethio-jazz,” which blends the melodious symphonies of traditional Ethiopian music with jazz. We see these musicians perform and cherish the space before it unfortunately burns down in 2015. The musicians talk about the experiences of performing in the jazz club, expressing their grievances. Through this space, they channeled memories in the form of their music. While this story is not directly related to Tilbian’s, it’s a great way to explore another avenue of the grander narrative, shifting from a personal story to one about community and space.

As the documentary reaches its final chapter, the theme becomes clear. Without giving too many spoilers, the conclusion is a rewarding testament to Tilbian’s devotion to his craft, as well as a poignant reminder of the meaning music scenes take on over the years.

While Tezeta is an ambitious depiction of the Ethiopian music scene, it left me yearning for more information about the history of the Armenian orphans seeking refuge in the country. Ethiopia’s first national anthem was written by Kevork Nalbandian, who is of Armenian descent — which would have been a great addition to this documentary. Although the film had some great narratives about the current music scene, more details about the past may have been an effective addition.

As long as fossil fuel companies exist, we are all vulnerable to wildfires

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February 21, 2025

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Photograph of a forest with charred trees and thick smoke. — PHOTO: Joanne Francis / Unsplash

By: Yildiz Subuk, Staff Writer

We are all susceptible to the volatility of the climate. January 7 marked the beginning of one of the most devastating wildfires that would eventually grow and spread across Los Angeles. Starting in the Pacific Palisades, the climate disaster displaced more than 100,000 people. While the exact cause of the fire is still under investigation, experts claim it was the result of hydroclimate whiplash — worsened by climate change. Hydroclimate whiplash occurs when a period of heavy rain, which leads to the growth of more vegetation, is followed by long periods of drought which kills the vegetation. When there is a large amount of dead vegetation, then there is an increased likelihood that vegetation is more vulnerable to catching and spreading fire. Along with this phenomena, the Santa Ana winds made the fires more uncontrollable, as they resemble the effect of a light hurricane. Fighting fires with such wind present is not only difficult but dangerous, as the winds cause the fire to spread further.

These wildfires are a bleak, yet urgent reminder that climate issues are a lot closer than we think they are. It’s not just LA that has seen a devastating wildfire season, but BC as well. The scale of destruction from the 2023 wildfire season rivals that of the 2003 Okanagan Mountain Park fire, marking it as one of the most catastrophic in recent history. There are many compelling aspects such as burning of fossil fuels and a lack of preparation that could potentially cost many communities within the province their livelihoods.

Wildfires are already an issue in BC

BC’s wildfire season in 2023 was the province’s most severe. Over 2.8 million hectares (or 28,000 square kilometers) were burned during this period and tens of thousands of individuals were displaced.

The largest wildfire the province has seen, which happened that year, took place in Donnie Creek. The fire spread rapidly and ended up being the same size as Prince Edward Island. The fire was supposedly started by a lightning strike, becoming visible on May 12. The night time usually cools down wildfires, but in this case, it was a warm night. Aside from being the most devastating period for wildfires, 2023 was also the province’s hottest and driest year on record. This factor intensified the grounds for wildfires, causing them to spread more quickly, and allowing for more dead vegetation to pose a risk of catching fire.

While not every single part of the province was directly impacted by the wildfire smoke, there was a lapse in air quality, and the smoke from the fires spread across closer regions. According to the government of BC, wildfire smoke affects every demographic as “during wildfire conditions producing heavy pollution, everyone is at risk regardless of their age or health.” It can cause inflammation in the lungs, which weakens the immune system, and breathing in the smoke can make a person more prone to “eye, throat, and nose irritation.” Headaches are also a symptom of inhaling too much smoke. People most at risk from wildfire smoke include those with pre-existing heart conditions and asthma, seniors, and pregnant individuals.

Although 2024 was not as severe, there were still over one million hectares burned in the province, making it the fourth largest season for wildfires. The constant occurrence of larger-scale wildfires indicate they are no longer a lingering threat. They are unpredictable, difficult to manage, and often exacerbated by components of climate change. Wildfires have become an issue of the present day.

The government can prepare all they want for mitigating wildfires, but their actions clearly outline their priorities are not the people.

How does the burning of fossil fuels tie into all this?

Climate change plays a significant role in shaping the severity of wildfires. While wildfires can occur naturally, such as those caused by lightning, climate change has pushed them to the extreme. Wildfire seasons have increased in length and frequency between 1996 and 2013 compared to 1979–1996, which “amounted to a doubling in the total global burnable area affected by long fire weather seasons.”

It is well documented that fossil fuels are the largest contributor to climate change. The burning of fossil fuels (which include coal, natural gas, and oil), produces greenhouse gases which then trap heat in the atmosphere. This results in the climate heating up. Climate scientist and activist, David Suzuki states, “Fossil fuel funding is an investment in disaster.”

Canada’s oil and natural gas industry contributes over $70 billion to the country’s gross domestic product, with just three oil and gas reserves (Kearl, Montney BC, Spirit River) alone contributing to over 50 million metric tonnes of carbon emissions. According to Statista, the top 10 fossil fuel companies in Canada alone have a carbon footprint of 135 million carbon dioxide equivalents of greenhouse gases emitted in 2022. To put this in perspective, “One million metric tons is roughly equal to the average annual emissions of 35 commercial airliners, 216,000 passenger vehicles, and 115,000 homes in the US.”

While large fossil fuel companies like FortisBC continue to pollute — promoting natural gas through misleading greenwashing campaigns — the government stays silent. These companies do not take accountability for their actions, nor do they listen to research for more sustainable energy. Instead they dodge accountability and spread misinformation about their actions. One way they spread misinformation is through rebranding their practices. For example fossil fuel companies brand natural gas as the “cleanest fossil fuel,” an attempt to placate the public into thinking these are eco-friendly practices. However, that might not be the case at all. Natural gas is actually made up of methane, which can trap 84 times as much heat than carbon dioxide within a 20 year span.

Imperial Oil (owner of the Kearl site) was responsible for a toxic wastewater spill in Alberta’s oil sand. There were over five million metric tonnes of toxic wastewater spilling into local Indigenous communities. The spillage affected “members of the Mikisew Cree, the Athabasca Chipewyan and Fort McKay First Nations, the Fort Chipewyan Metis, and other downstream communities all the way to the Northwest Territories.” The company hid this from the Indigenous communities for nine months, putting entire communities at risk — an action which should be grounds for closure. Instead, Imperial Oil is only facing nine charges for failure to report the spill and take reasonable cleanup measures, causing a major impact on the environment, and for “causing the loss or damage of public land.” For a similar incident involving waste water they were only charged with $50,000. Imperial Oil is worth over $35 billion, so this fine is the equivalent of ticketing someone for arson. In 2023, the federal government invested $18.6 billion into the fossil fuel industry. It is clear the government would never let Imperial Oil or similar companies take such hefty penalties for putting people’s lives at risk.

The government can prepare all they want for mitigating wildfires, but their actions clearly outline their priorities are not the people. While firefighters risk their lives to stop the flow of fires, and many communities are displaced, millions of dollars and property damages are lost, and many fossil fuel companies continue to operate in Canada, evading any form of true punishment for their actions. Unless the federal government truly prioritizes the adequate punishing of fossil fuel industries, they will remain complicit in prioritizing profits over people. Until the interest of people and not revenue is prioritised, then the population of BC as well as the rest of Canada remains vulnerable to wildfires.

The “right” has the wrong ideas about sexual health

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February 21, 2025

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political cartoon, pierre poilievre using an IUD as a toothpick — ILLUSTRATION: Victoria Lo / The Peak

By: Michael Morris, SFU Student

Whether it’s blocking contraceptives, stigmatizing or removing abortion, those who are the most impacted by the right’s attack on sexual health are often left out of the conversation, and decisions are made for them. The right wing’s attack on sexual health is not exactly overt, but it is rooted in old Evangelical Christian values about the morality of sex. While there is nothing inherently wrong about religious values, right wing politicians want to enforce their interpretations of faith onto others while completely neglecting that their actions are discriminatory, controlling, and have serious negative implications. They have shifted from outright shaming of what they deem “impure” as an attempt to distance themselves from the blatant ideological roots of conservatism, and instead resort to being as vague as possible to further their agenda.

An early North American example of the right wing’s attack on sexual health was the Comstock Act of 1873. The act is named after Anthony Comstock, “a devout Christian” man who pushed an anti-sex agenda in America during the 1870s. He began by supplying the police with information on what he deemed as obscene or immoral, including sex work, pornography, and contraceptives. He drafted his own law outlining the “obscenity” of contraceptives for Congress, and they passed it in 1873 — a law that is still brought up by the US Supreme Court today. So much for a party “free from ideology.”

The right’s attack on sexual health is not only a problem in America, but one that presents itself in Canada as well. Abortion is not regulated by a law, but part of the Canadian Healthcare Act, which ensures that access to abortion is a human right. However, this does not mean that Canadian right wing politicians are obligated to care about sexual health or bodily autonomy; in fact, they are unclear about their sexual health agenda here.

“They have shifted from outright public shaming of what they deem as impure as an attempt to distance themselves from the blatant ideological roots of the party, and instead resort to being as vague as possible to further their agenda.”

During May of 2024 Pierre Poilievre was criticized by Leah Gazan, an NDP member of parliament, for voting “against free birth control for nine million Canadians.” This willingness to police contraceptives is hidden from Poilievre’s agenda. While he tirades about making Canada a free country, he seems to have some inconsistent stances when it comes to controlling sexual health and bodily autonomy. He’s suggested that he is pro-choice, but his actions are contradictory. In 2012, Poilievre voted in favour of motion 312, which The Abortion Rights Coalition described to be anti-choice, as it would redefine the term “human being,” roping fetuses into the definition. This type of redefinition has been consistently used to justify controlling abortion. Poilievre, despite apparently being insistent on individual freedoms, also claimed that “pro-life Canadians are welcome in [the Conservative] party,” a group which actively tries to take away an individual’s right to choose. Poilievre’s actions raise some serious alarm about the access to sexual health freedoms.

Albertan premier Danielle Smith has also raised some serious concerns when it comes to accessing safe abortions in the province. In September 2024, the premier expressed interest in moving some of Alberta’s healthcare away from the responsibility of the provincial government. This would instead allow private companies with their own terms of service, like Covenant Health, to take over. Covenant Health is a Catholic health provider and notably does not perform abortions, provide emergency contraceptives, or gender affirming care. Rural communities could specifically be impacted by this, as Smith claims “we just need different operators in the smaller communities so that we can get back to delivering that level of care.” While abortion is a human right in Canada, provinces are allowed to outsource healthcare to faith based organizations even if their values reject certain life-saving procedures.

Through vague stances and subtle interests in shifting policies, the Conservative party manages to dodge an explicitly “pro-choice party” label while pretending to care about the health of constituents. The Conservatives will not advertise their disregard for sexual health, instead they will claim they have people’s interests in mind as they slowly begin to block access to adequate sexual health care. While not every Conservative member or voter may necessarily be against proper sexual health, it is important to note this rhetoric runs rampant within the party. There should be no room for political leaders to project their own personal values, especially if it is rooted in faith, onto an entire population filled with diverse people with different needs. Do not be fooled; if the party cared about such a crucial right, especially the disproportionate amount of women it affects, they wouldn’t hide behind unclear positions and feel the need to avoid the issue.

Opinion: BC not free from culture wars as trans VIU athlete harassed on and off the court

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February 18, 2025

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A basketball wrapped in a trans flag. — ILLUSTRATION: Bithi Sutradhar / The Peak

By: Kaja Antic, Sports Writer

Content warning: descriptions of discrimination and harassment.

On October 30, 2024, Vancouver Island University (VIU) Mariners women’s basketball player Harriette Mackenzie posted a video to her Instagram account, alleging targeted verbal and physical harassment from Columbia Bible College (CBC) Bearcats players and coaches. This came after the Mariners hosted the Bearcats in Nanaimo, where the Vancouver Island team won both games on October 25 and 26.

Mackenzie, who is a trans woman, drew ire from CBC’s coaching staff for simply existing on the court. After the game, Mackenzie alleged that CBC head coach Taylor Claggett cornered a member of the VIU athletic staff and “went on a tirade” about Mackenzie’s involvement on the team.

Throughout the next game, Mackenzie was targeted by the opposing CBC players with increasing violence — including a moment in the third quarter when Mackenzie was dragged onto the hardwood court by a Bearcat. While Mackenzie was still on the ground in pain, Claggett could be seen on the bench applauding the action from her team.

CBC later released a statement supporting Claggett, claiming that she was “concerned about the safety of the female athletes.” However, it’s more likely that trans women face harsher violence in sports compared to cis women due to discrimination and “gender policing.” The Pacific Western Athletics Association (PACWEST) then began an investigation, which was concluded as of February 4, 2025. While the conference itself did not disclose its decision, VIU released a statement saying they were “pleased with the results of the investigation.” In response, CBC expressed their disappointment with the results: “We do not believe that a proper process was followed or that the results were fair. As a result, we are taking steps to have PACWEST’s decision reviewed.”

The Canadian Centre for Ethics in Sport commissioned a scientific review on trans participation, which found that biological data gathered on the topic was limited and “often methodologically flawed,” and the trans-exclusionary policies continue “a long history of exclusion of women from competitive sport.”

The Mariners were due to play two games at CBC’s Columbia Place this January, though the games were postponed after all 13 VIU women’s basketball players signed a letter claiming their team felt “unsafe” competing at the Abbotsford institution. CBC disputed the letter, claiming that accusations of CBC-affiliated teams, coaches, and fans creating an unsafe environment are “untrue and misinformed.” On February 10, it was also announced that CBC would no longer be hosting the PACWEST women’s basketball provincials.

The Canadian Centre for Ethics in Sport commissioned a scientific review on trans participation in sports, which found that biological data gathered on the topic was limited and “often methodologically flawed,” and that trans-exclusionary policies continue “a long history of exclusion of women from competitive sport.” For example, these studies incorporating biological data often approach the topic with an essentialist ideology, which does not consider the proper measurement of sex chromosomes. Despite these findings, there is still a push to restrict trans athletes from athletic competitions, further marginalizing trans and gender diverse individuals in a society that already favours cis and heteronormative structures. According to the American Civil Liberties Union, there are 53 bills attacking trans inclusion in school sports across the US alone.

This incident is just one localized example of the ongoing culture war involving trans athletes in sports. The Government of Alberta put forth a bill last fall, named the “Fairness and Safety in Sport Act,” which specifically looks to bar trans women and girls from competing in sports with cis women and girls. This bill, which Premier Danielle Smith’s government looks to enact in fall 2025, would create issues for USports and CCAA competition. This would require collegiate organizations to create divisions with “biological female-only” stipulations, rather than keep their own respective policies regarding trans athletes.

The argument that these restrictive policies are “protecting” women and girls in sports by limiting competition based on assigned sex at birth is unfounded at best and massively harmful at worst. Moreover, there is little concrete evidence proving that individuals assigned male at birth are better at sports, as athletic prowess varies from person to person. Canadian Women & Sport argue that removing trans and gender diverse athletes from women’s sports does not address any of the actual barriers that prevent girls from continuing in sports.

The importance of revitalizing Africville

By

Peak Web

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February 18, 2025

0

photo of africville before demolition — PHOTO: Halifax Municipal Archives / Wikimedia Commons

By: Mason Mattu, News Writer

Content warning: forced displacement and racial violence are central topics in this article.

Imagine sitting at home one day and looking outside your window. There, you see a garbage truck parked outside. A city employee raps loudly on the door and demands you leave your home. This home has been in your family for generations and is a cornerstone to your connection to your heritage. It would probably be one of your worst nightmares; your entire livelihood taken away from you. For the residents of Africville, who were forced from their homes during the massive destruction of the neighbourhood, this nightmare was reality.

Africville was a “close-knit Black community” established in 1848 on Mi’kmaq territory at what is colonially known as Halifax, Nova Scotia. Following the American Revolution and War of 1812, Canada experienced a large influx of Black British loyalists — those who had fought for Britain in the War of 1812 and were promised freedom in return. Canada was supposed to be a “haven.” When they arrived in Nova Scotia, however, they arrived to white settlers who didn’t think them worthy. Black Canadians then settled into an area together to produce collective security.

For more than 120 years, the community served as a cultural hub for Black Nova Scotians; to thrive, live, and work in an environment where they were equally appreciated by members of their own community who understood the challenges they faced. After World War II, upwards of 400 Black Canadians lived in this community, and the Halifax municipal government treated them as subhuman. They refused to provide basic amenities like “access to clean water and garbage disposal,” and functional sewage.

In 1964, instead of improving infrastructure and providing necessities to residents of Africville, the Halifax City Council voted to relocate residents to supposedly “improve [their] standard of living.” To the very few residents who were able to prove a land deed for their home, the city paid them the value of their houses. However, many residents did not have any proof and were offered a measly $500. The last house was demolished in 1970.

Residents of Africville and their descendants are alive today and harmed by the dissolution of their community, and it is up to the sitting City Council and impassioned allies to purposefully hold space for Black Canadians.

Let’s call this what it is. The painful loss of Africville paints a broader picture of the patterns of expropriation of racialised peoples and their communities. Losing Africville was not isolated or accidental. Vancouver’s very own Hogan’s Alley, a community that was home to a prominent immigrant and Black population, was continuously destroyed beginning in 1967 to make room for a freeway that was never built. From Vancouver to Halifax, institutionalized racism has deprived Black Canadians of their individuality, communities, and right to life.

Nearly 55 years after the last home in Africville was destroyed, conversations about revitalization have just started to begin. The City of Halifax is in the midst of phase one of their community revitalization plan. Earlier in 2024, public open houses were held to “focus on topics such as active transportation, land use, and possibilities for the future.”

It is absolutely essential that these revitalization plans do not fall out of focus, and that the voices of former residents of Africville are heard. In an interview with CBC, a former resident called for the community church to hold faith services once again. The original church was demolished one night in 1967, and the rebuilt standing building is used as a museum. Other community members have alternative perspectives on land use which are equally important and pertinent to the future of Africville. For instance, Irvine Carvery of the Africville Genealogy Society suggests returning the land that was made into the national historic landmark “Africville Park” and letting former residents determine the future of developments. “They’re the ones who are going to tell you what it was, what it could be, and what it should be.”

As for funding, it is essential that the City of Halifax and even the Nova Scotian governments remain a key role in keeping the community alive through funding. For many years, Black Canadians in these communities paid income tax to the government and saw no returns. It is now time for money and support to be promised and secured for revitalization in Africville so that it does not become a bygone historical artifact. Residents of Africville and their descendants are alive today and harmed by the dissolution of their community, and it is up to the sitting City Council and impassioned allies to purposefully hold space for Black Canadians.

For more information about Africville and to make a donation to their museum, visit africvillemuseum.org.

The Green party is missing in action

By

Peak Web

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February 18, 2025

0

Illustration of someone with a magnifying glass and their eye is super big cause its magnified while they look at the reader. — ILLUSTRATION: Cliff Ebora / The Peak

By: Mason Mattu, News Writer

In 2019, I watched Green Party leader Elizabeth May stand her ground in the Federal Leaders Debate and thought to myself, “Wow, she is on fire.” This feeling has since dissipated. It’s clear the current Green Party is no longer a viable federal option and needs to completely reform their identity, leadership, and organization. If they want to stop being a failure of a political party, it is time for some changes.

The Green Party of Canada was once a champion of local activism and politics, encouraging grassroots candidates to make their mark in their respective federal ridings. When May declared her retirement just after the 2019 federal election, we began to see the decline of the Green Party as we know it. Once a party with spirit and impassioned environmentalism, the Greens have faced an identity crisis ever since. Under new leadership in the 2021 federal election, the Green Party received a miniscule 2.3% of the federal vote. This election result was so painful that May had to come out of leadership retirement to try and save them.

Even with an experienced leader, the Green party faces immense challenges with their party’s identity. Environmentalism, a topic once neglected by Canada’s big three political parties, is now recognized by the NDP and Liberal parties. Though they haven’t prioritized the environment at a level sufficient enough to actually save it, Canadians are no longer under the impression that climate issues deserve a party of their own.

Although climate is an important issue, let’s face it. Canadians are struggling to put food on the table right now and pay for their bare bone essentials.

Let’s face it. Canadians are struggling to put food on the table and pay for bare bone essentials. They care about policies such as healthcare reformation, a way to lower the cost of living, and to create an equitable future for their children. The Green Party of Canada follows Green politics, a concept which approaches policy through “sustainability, non-violence, social justice, respect for diversity, ecological wisdom, and participatory democracy.” Are Canadians hearing anything other than climate, though? In the last provincial election, the BC Green party led by political superstar Sonia Furstenau proposed policies such as free transit, approaches to foster walkable/liveable cities, and more support for people experiencing mental health hardships. The best thing about this? These policies were detailed with a transparent budget and actually achievable.

It is time for a new vision for the federal Green party that looks to take the NDP’s shortcomings and create a bold, progressive outlook for Canadians. This will include creating an actual costed platform that is backed by economists, something that the Green Party lacked in the last federal election.

Part of this reformation of identity will have to come from the top — a new, bold sense of leadership. Returning Green co-leader and former human rights investigator Jonathan Pedneault is a visionary voice for the party who could bring a new generation of Greens onto the ballot in the looming spring election. Pedneault should take over leadership immediately if the Green’s wish to stand any chance in the next election, however, the rest of the party must re-organize too. As of July 2024, they had yet to shift away from an online-based approach to organizing membership and advocacy efforts. They’ve got to go in person, they have to organize, and they have to actually show up in the ridings that they want to win.

A new leader could encourage those willing to stand up and join the Green party as candidates. For BC, the party has only confirmed only four candidates to run in the next election, as of writing this piece. This is likely a result of disengagement from Canadians, from both climate issues and politics, as well as a lack of organization from the party. If the Greens can complete the tasks that I have outlined, they might have a chance of surviving future federal elections. They can organize, they can show up, and although they still have a very low chance of winning new seats, they can make a mark. Until then, voters like myself will continue to ask: where the heck is the federal Green party?

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