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New institute promotes global sustainable mining

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SFU has joined UBC and École Polytechnique de Montréal in a joint venture to establish the Canadian International Institute for Extractive Industries and Development (CIIEID).

Officially launched on Jan. 29, the Department of Foreign Affairs, Trade and Development (DFATD) proposed the project in order to promote socially and ecologically responsible mining practices in less-developed countries.

Controversy surrounding the organization’s corporate and governmental ties has emerged among several student and public interest groups at UBC and SFU.

Bern Klein, executive director of CIIEID, told the Vancouver Sun that “the institute’s mission is to help national, regional and local governments to leverage mining and resource extraction into long-term, sustainable livelihoods.”

The joint proposal for the institute submitted by SFU, UBC, and EPM was awarded $24.6 million in federal funding by the DFATD this past November. The grant will be used to build and then run the institute for five years.

In addition to the grant provided by the DFATD, the three coalition members along with their strategic partners have agreed to commit $15 million in funding and in-kind aid towards the CIIEID. Strategic partners for the organization include NGO’s, international governmental and development bodies, and industry mining companies such as Stantec, Asanko Gold, and Goldcorp.

After the grant runs out, the Institute will search for funding from their strategic partners. Physical headquarters for the CIIEID will be on the UBC campus.

Daniel Shapiro, dean of SFU’s Beedie School of Business and member of CIIEID’s executive board points out that artisanal mining (small-scale mining operations that utilize traditional, non-mechanized extraction techniques) normally occurs without regard to environmental and social responsibility, which can create problems for the communities in which it occurs.

“These countries want to expand their extractive industries, and in some cases, the ways they’ve been doing it turns out okay; in other cases, the results will be disastrous. This is what we’re trying to work toward — preventing this,” Shapiro said.

Programming and outreach will be limited by the project’s mandate to areas that Canadian extractive corporations have already invested in. Klein points to mining organizations in Ecuador, Colombia, and Peru as potential partners.

Some controversy regarding the motivations behind the project has sprung up among concerned students and community members; some worry that an association with corporate bodies may reflect poorly on the reputation of the academic institutions.

A group of concerned UBC students discussed the ethical concerns surrounding SFU and UBC’s involvement in the CIIEID on SFU’s radio station, CJSM 90.1, on Jan. 22.

“Canada does not have a track record of strong corporate social responsibility,” cautioned Sam Stime, a UBC graduate student involved with UBC’s Social Justice Society. He also raised concerns over the fact that several members on the CIIEID’s executive have had corporate mining ties in the past.

SFPIRG, a social justice organization on SFU’s campus, has also been vocal in raising concerns about the CIIEID’s structure.

Jennifer Moore, program director for MiningWatch Canada, told the Vancouver Sun that she worries that the independence of the CIIEID will be compromised by the fact that the majority of its funding comes from the DFATD.

However, Shapiro and fellow board member and SFU professor Carolyn Egri asserted that academic independence is tantamount to the CIIEID.

“There’s a really strong principle of academic independence and integrity running throughout the project,” said Egri, whose research focuses on corporate social and environmental responsibility.

Egri maintained that allowing corporate involvement in the CIIEID is important in tackling the problems at hand: “If there’s a problem, you have to solve it by including the people who are contributing to the problem. Excluding them won’t help at all.”

Shapiro added, “We are independent. We are all university people who cherish independence, so we are not an arm of the government in any way.”

SFU researcher explores mental health in Vietnam

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SFU researcher Jill Murphy is saying “hẹn gặp lại sau” (see you soon) Canada, and “good morning” Vietnam as she heads overseas to pursue research related to mental health practices.

The study will be conducted in coordination with Simon Fraser University and the Institute of Population, Health and Development in Hanoi, represented by Elliot Goldner and Dr. Vu Cong Nguyen, respectively. Funded by Grand Challenges Canada, the pilot project aims to test the feasibility of a large scale training program for health care workers in Vietnam.

Researchers hope that the information gained will be used towards improving health care systems and mental health care conditions around the world.

Management of mental health is lacking for most populations; it is a growing issue that continues to be stigmatized and misunderstood, even in countries like Canada. In many less developed countries (LDCs), services are lacking and knowledge is insufficient in areas related to mental health.

The country of Vietnam was chosen partly because Simon Fraser University already has a strong connection with Vietnam. Vietnam is also economically and socially similar to many other LDCs.

The research will focus on common mental health disorders such as depression, anxiety, and other mood disorders. Many of these illnesses are correlated, and often a decrease in mental health leads to or aggravates physical health problems. As the World Health Organisation predicts, depression could become the second leading cause of disease worldwide by the year 2020.

Murphy explained that there continues to be a stigma around mental health, which causes people to fall into a state of anxiety, discomfort, or shame.

To alleviate this issue, she advised that doctors be provided with better resources so that they can recognize the signs and symptoms of a mental disorder and manage the situation in a culturally appropriate manner. Doctors should also be able to provide the appropriate treatment, and provide strategies and tools with which patients can educate themselves.

“Research has shown that primary health care workers, [such as] doctors and nurses, can successfully treat common mental disorders such as depression and anxiety,” said Murphy. “Improving training and support of these health care supporters can lead to a great deal more services available on the primary care level.”

She continued, “Mental health has been neglected globally, in countries like Canada, because they have often been stigmatized […] In the future it is important that mental health no longer be seen as something separate but be integrated in the broader context of the global health.”

In Vietnam, Murphy plans to interview health care professionals about their work environment, with a specific focus on their workload, attitudes, and understanding of mental health issues.

“Primary health care workers are the first point of contact for patients when they seek help [for] mental illness,” Murphy said. “The ability of these primary health care workers to successfully integrate mental health interventions into their everyday practice can determine whether or not people receive adequate and successful care for their mental disorders.”

Murphy will also be gathering information from patients about the health care system and its ability to provide help when it is needed. Lastly, surveys will be given out to different sample populations for a broader perspective on the overall occurrences of mental disorders.

For Murphy, this research is her stepping stone towards bigger goals — she hopes it will contribute to the “growing body of information” around mental health and “improve services around the world,” eventually moving towards integrating better health care in other countries and building connections and opportunities for those suffering from mental illnesses.

Winter’s Cold War

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Set in the years of near-conflict after WWII through the early 1960s, Michael Hollingsworth’s play The Cold War is an entertaining commentary on what it means to be Canadian — past and present.

Presented by SFU’s School for the Contemporary Arts theatre department, The Cold War  tells the story of Canada’s tumultuous political history alongside tales of struggle from its female citizen Mary Muffet, who has been pushed out of the workforce and back into the home.

Although its topics are serious, The Cold War is sure to be a historical romp, energetic and detailed, typical of Hollingsworth’s style. Not only for those passionate about history, theatre, and feminism, it appeals to anyone looking for a new and refreshing performance to see in downtown Vancouver as winter trudges on.

A cast of 11 SFU theatre students play over 70 characters in this fast-paced production. June Fukumura (previously seen in Women of Troy and Donut Holes in Space), plays Mary Muffet, a modern working woman who loses her job at a munitions factory and is forced into being a homemaker. Fukumura encourages audiences to enjoy the intricate story lines.

Much of Canada’s history is either unknown, or underappreciated.

Kiki Al Rahmani (previously seen in Women of Troy and Picnic), who plays Prime Minister John Diefenbaker, lends to the historical side of this play. When studying her character, she realized how fascinating Canadian history can be.

Movements that are still ongoing struggles today, such as gender equality and First Nation’s rights, were advancing by leaps and bounds during this time period — with the help of PM Diefenbaker. According to Rahmani, much of Canada’s history is either unknown, or underappreciated and this play brings this history to a place that is both accessible to the public and highly compelling.

Assistant director Sarah Faye Bernstein (from the Jamie and Sarah Experience Project) spoke about the inspiring work of director D. D. Kugler. Not only a professor at SFU, Kugler is also a freelance director and dramaturg who has worked throughout Canada. He is most known for his adaptation of Newhouse and his play Not Wanted on the Voyage, both written with Richard Rose. Bernstein describes how watching him work is truly an experience in itself, as his eye for detail makes the play what it is.

If the historical aspect of The Cold War doesn’t spark the imagination, then the satirical dark humour and big, bold costumes and props promise memorable entertainment. From a Russian Mata Hari-esque spy, to television-obsessed children, hilarious characters will rule the stage, causing all kinds of trouble.

The Cold War addresses intriguing subjects, from blackmail and espionage and the rise of the “bigger is better” mentality, to the fear of nuclear attack. Hollingsworth’s typical “big” aesthetic is prevalent in the exaggerated costumes and props, and is in contrast to the contained blocking and staging.

So, if you find yourself with a hankering for something refreshing and new, SFU’s School for the Contemporary Arts theatre department promises a fabulously good time.

The Cold War is playing at the Fei & Milton Wong Experimental Theatre from Feb. 19 to 22, and from Feb. 25 to March 1. Shows at 8:00 p.m. Tickets are $5 for students and seniors, $15 for general admission. 

Kids game their way to emotional health

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Brainwave-sensing technology and a tablet game app may help children living in poverty to relax and focus enough to learn in school, thanks to research led by SFU professor Alissa Antle and her team at the School of Interactive Art and Technology.

The idea came to Antle while she was speaking with a counselor at a NGO-funded school in Pokhara, Nepal. She realised that her previously designed bio-feedback systems could potentially be adapted to create games which would enable Nepali children to practice self-regulation.

The goal of the technology is to support the children’s’ ability to learn, as many are coming from high-stress situations, such as households with domestic violence and extreme poverty. “It will prepare them to get ready to learn some basic literacy,” Antle said.

A child logs in to the game by touching a photo of their face. The technology picks up brainwaves, sensing when that child is relaxed, focused, or anxious. When children are relaxed or focused, the games respond and they win challenges, gaining tokens.

“The challenge was to get the kids to do what I wanted them to do with their bodies, [for example] relax, without them knowing anything about computers or being able to read instructions,” Antle said. “We needed a system with zero barrier to entry.”

The three games which will be field tested this fall were designed to be culturally relevant to the children.

One game involves blowing on a pinwheel. “When you blow, it relaxes you, and the neuro-feedback loop makes the pinwheel spin,” explained Antle. Another game asks kids to relax, causing a paraglide to land. It will land if the child relaxes, otherwise it is sent back up into the mountains on thermals.

Teachers will be able to monitor the children’s progress. “It usually takes six to eight weeks of 10 minutes a day to see noticeable effects,” Antle said.

She continued, “Anecdotally, we noticed that [working with a previous system] not only were children more able to calm themselves, but as a caregiver, you could remind them of images in the game and this helped them to settle down.”

Antle and the researchers are entering the “usability testing” phase. They will be testing the games with children with Attention Deficit Hyperactivity Disorder (ADHD) in Surrey and starting a parallel project to develop new culturally relevant games for these children.

“The approach may be suitable for millions and millions of kids,” Antle said. “My goal would be to hand it out to groups who could roll it out all over the world. Child soldiers in Africa, children with ADHD in Canada. Hopefully, it’s a tool that could help lots of kids.”

The ballot box versus the street

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From Turkey to the Ukraine to Thailand, 2013 was the year of the protester. In each of these cases, mass street protests were rallied against their respective governments with the opposition demanding reorientations in policy.

In our societal milieu, we are often inspired and entranced by these bold expressions of civil society. But we must be careful not to automatically place halos on the protesters, and weigh the downsides of mass street protests against the purported abuses of their establishment opponents.

Our cultural repertoire tends to accentuate admirable examples of mass protest. We tend to immediately associate protesting with either opponents of authoritarian regimes, like the students of Tiananmen Square, or with decidedly progressive currents in democratic societies, like the US Civil Rights movement.

Civil society is an important factor in keeping governments in check between elections, but we must keep in mind that the facets of civil society most able to organize and mobilize are not necessarily truly representative of the people. The level of engagement needed to devote days of one’s life to congregating in political centres is high, and not an opportunity available to all citizens.

Using long-term disruption of public and private spaces to extract concessions from an elected agency is not okay.

On the other hand, when available, the ballot box can be a great political equalizer, giving voice to segments of society that are only mildly political, unwilling to actively engage in the more taxing burdens of participatory democracy.

In each of the aforementioned mass anti-government protests that emerged in 2013, however, protests were organized against governments that came to power in (relatively) clean elections on the backs of constituencies from their respective societies’ periphery.

In Turkey, after decades of political repression, Islamists have worked their way into power by appealing to the traditional values of peripheral Anatolian interior. In Ukraine, Yanukovich’s pro-Russian policies have gained traction with the aspirations of the country’s less developed east. And in Thailand, populist social welfare rhetoric gave the ruling Pheu Thai the support of the rural and impoverished north.

Yet for protesters in Taksim, the Euromaidan and Bangkok, the governments they challenged were not dictatorial specters, but the products of the political periphery found outside the confines of their cosmopolitan centres.

And while it may be perfectly fine to voice opinion, it is not okay to use the long-term disruption of public and private spaces as a weapon to extract concessions on the part of an elected agency — a tactic employed in all three cases.

When there does not exist an accessible way to change government direction at the ballot box, it is understandable that we look to assertive forms of participatory democracy — like the illegal occupation of public spaces — as an acceptable (and even admirable) way of challenging injustices of the status quo.

But we cannot automatically transfer the halos we don on those forces to those who coerce the products of the ballot box.

Less than paradise

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This reading break, I was lucky enough to have the chance to fly south to Puerto Vallarta, Mexico. A classic, right? American and Canadian tourists have been escaping their native winters for years by fleeing to warmer climates, chasing tropical dreams.

I had never taken part in this great migration before, and was excited to join the hunt for the typical Corona commercial. And when I got there, it was beautiful: golden sand beaches, 28 degrees, not a single cloud in the sky. Perfect.

The glimmers of the Mexican culture I saw were beautiful: women forgoing strollers and instead carrying their children in their arms, tiny dogs — most of them chihuahuas — the rough cobblestone streets and ascending apartment buildings, accessible sometimes only by steep, winding staircases.

If you go to the Wikipedia page for Puerto Vallarta, you’ll learn that it’s termed a “Mexican balneario resort city.” Following the link to “balneario,” you find that the word is a term for a “Latin American seaside resort town [. . .] characterized by being flooded by masses of tourists during the summer seasons.”

Flooded. Masses. I knew that Vallarta was a tourist town, but I have never before experienced a place that was so proficient in tourism.

And we tourists were everywhere. Ordering ceviche tostadas in beach restaurants on the Malecon boardwalk. Bartering ineffectively in the tequila shops. Capturing that elusive Corona commercial moment on the beach. Speaking the few canned phrases, in horribly accented Spanish, learned for the occasion: “¡Hola!” “¿Como esta?” “¡Una cerveza, por favor!” “¡Gracias!” and the all-important “No, gracias.”

I can’t count the number of times I said that ultimate phrase over the five days I spent in Puerto Vallarta. Because the curious, albeit unsurprising thing was that much of the city seemed to have adapted to profit from and envelope those sunburnt, English-speaking visitors.

Along the Malecon, there was a sea of vendors and promotional workers, inviting you in for a free margarita, for “the best tacos in the city,” to take a look at the trinkets they were selling for “the best prices.” We went to a bar that had a live donkey in it that you could ride for a few pesos; the only music they seemed to play was 60s American classics. A writhing mass of aging American tourists swayed drunkenly to the songs of their youth.

In the flea market neighbourhood — blocks and blocks of small shops packed with knickknacks — you could find stereotypical Mexican wares, blankets, silver jewellery, leather bags, and brightly painted pottery. You could also find these objects disjointedly Americanized: painted skull figurines with NFL team logos spanning their craniums.

As tourists in the city, as easy to spot as if we were wearing bullseyes, we were constantly being asked to buy: jewellery from a suitcase, hats from a precariously balanced stack, meat on a stick. Walking past those flea market stores, we were beckoned to come in insistently. On the street, taxis would slow down and flicker their lights, calling at us to come for a ride.

My disillusionment can be boiled down to one moment. One night, as I hesitated in front of the door to an ATM, a small Mexican boy ran up and put his hand on the handle, speaking and looking up at me expectantly. He couldn’t have been more than seven years old, only reaching my sternum but still managing to be an imposing figure, and he held the door shut in front of me. I apologized in my broken Spanish for not understanding, and he responded, “Dinero.”

“Money.” Clear enough.

Fuck it, group of single men still calling it a “guys night out”

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BURNABY — Despite seeing each other regularly and having no reason not to spend time together whenever they want, a group of continually single buddies are still calling their Friday outings to the bar a “guys night out”.

According to Stan Patrick, a 25-year old intern at a startup company, he and his friends still often refer to their plans as a “guys night out” even after years of not having any steady girlfriends or females in their group.

“We normally hang out, go to the bar a couple times a week and I don’t think there’s ever been women involved in any of these outings or attempting to stop them,” Patrick explained, “but occasionally we just have to have a ‘boys night’, you know what I mean?”

The group of six guys, who all met in high school and haven’t progressed much since that time, believe that calling it a “guys night out” really helps them feel as if going out together is a break from their routine activities.

“It almost makes it seem like we’ve been working all week at nine to five jobs and coming home to our wives and families for the rest of the week and this is our one night ‘out’,” Patrick explained. “In reality, other than Jonesie who has soccer practice on Thursdays, I’ll be seeing them every night before ‘guys night’ any way.”

While “guys night out” has no discernible difference from any other night in the lives of the group referred to by themselves — and only themselves — as “the boys”, they maintain a strict code of conduct.

“We have a few rules on ‘guys night’ . . . no inviting ladies, no hitting on ladies, no talking to ladies and most importantly no talking about ladies,” group loudmouth Gary Gumbs told The Peak. “This is guys night and we’re going to talk about guys, like guys like to do!”

Although the group is fervent about these rules, they say they will break them if any woman ever expresses even the slightest interest in joining them.

“I mean, sure it’s guys night out but if any women wanted to come along we’d be cool with it as long as they went along with what we wanna do,” Gumbs explained chuckling along with his pals, “or she could choose what we do, I mean we don’t even have to go out if she doesn’t want to . . . we could just stay home and talk, that’d be a wild night!”

For now though, “the boys” say their traditional “guys night out” will continue and they have no plans on changing the name.

“Fuck it, it’s called ‘guys night out’, I don’t care if it’s the same as what we do every night,” Gumbs explained. “I look forward to every week and never miss it. Do you hear what I’m saying? I’ve never had anything else to do on a Friday night for the past seven years . . . at least let me call it ‘guys night out’.”

Netflix: A new level of consumerism

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A few days ago, I spent my night watching movies on Netflix with my girlfriend. We scrolled through its virtual library, indecisive and frustrated. The “good” movies we’ve already seen two or three times. We found ourselves in the depths of the C-list movies, and after about an hour of bickering over which obscure movie to take a chance on, we re-watched Transformers for the third time.

Transformers is an entertaining movie and all, but when it comes to Netflix, I seem to continually find myself obligated to either settle on a movie I’m not entirely sure I want to watch or rewatch one I’ve already seen.

The way we have grown to use Netflix reveals some deep seated social issues. The ignorance and irresponsibility of mass consumers have shaped the program into a tool for creating binge-watching addicts.

On the technical side of things, Netflix is the best medium of its kind. It’s convenient, affordable, straightforward and simple. There is no doubt it deserves to be as popular as it is. Its nature, though, of giving complete power to the consumer, is problematic.

The over-consumption of movies redefines the purpose of a film, and creates a less fulfilling experience.

The free access to over 3,000 movies and complete television series has led to viewers who feel like they literally cannot stop watching. I’ve heard many stories of friends who let entire weekends be consumed by watching a television series from start to finish without even leaving their homes. 

Many cannot seem to handle the sort of control and freedom Netflix provides; they just don’t know where to draw the line and say when they’ve had enough.

The over-consumption of movies has begun to redefine the purpose of a film as well as create a less fulfilling experience. Movies have turned into a tool of procrastination and a way to fill the void of our boredom and laziness. In the past, with DVD rentals, one or two movies a week was enough; now, two or three movies are watched in one sitting.

Since we have the capability, we jump from one movie right to the next, and we don’t allow ourselves to critically analyze or appreciate the quality of an individual film. It does not really matter if the film is thought provoking, wildly entertaining, or of good quality; Netflix invites us to watch a movie just for the sake of watching something.

It can be a movie you’ve already watched, or simply a recognizable title — as long as a movie looks mildly entertaining, it’s good enough to be added to the six hour movie marathon you have “unintentionally” started to avoid doing anything productive.

The Internet gives us access to a ridiculous amount of content, and Netflix is just one of the many tools we as consumers use to abuse this access. In an ideal world, we would learn to use this tool simply as a means to enjoy many films. Instead, we use it to rot away our time and destroy the value of a movie.

Canucks’ season not lost . . . yet

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Many NHL teams might be apt to complain that the Olympic break interrupts the momentum they have during the season. The Canucks are not one of them.

The only momentum the Canucks have had lately is that of a downward spiral, with each game more painful to watch than the last. With a seven-game losing streak and only four wins since Dec. 29, losing has become expected. Any bandwagon fan can point out these facts and tell you how much this team stinks.

But things might not be as dire as they seem. In the case of standings, although the Canucks have removed themselves from the playoffs, they’re still just one point behind the last place team in the playoffs, despite an abysmal start to 2014.

Although many of the teams fighting for a playoff spot alongside the Canucks have games in hand, the fact is that they are not going win every single one of them. Chances are some of them are going to have a weak last quarter of the season. The Canucks will be right back in the race if they start winning some games.

Another factor that is easy to overlook is the multitude of injured Canucks. With Henrik Sedin, Mike Santorelli, Kevin Bieksa, and Chris Tanev out, and with players like Hamhuis and Richardson missing games, the team has been hurting. Even the depth took a hit with depth defencemen Yannick Weber and Andrew Alberts missing multiple games.

The Olympics will provide a chance for many of these players to heal, or at least miss fewer games. Even those playing in Sochi can expect less ice time than under Tortorella, as players like Canadian Olympian Dan Hamhuis won’t have to carry the defence on a team of all-stars.

Overall, if this team makes the playoffs, they will be better because of the adversity they faced. Instead of coasting to the playoffs with a guaranteed division title, they really have to work for it this time around. If some momentum is gained now, it is possible that they will carry it into the playoffs, assuming they make them.

Although some blame the Canucks recent woes on Tortorella, and despite complaints that he works them too hard, his attitude is exactly what the Canucks need for a good playoff push.

With all that positivity, however, they still need to win some games. It is no longer guaranteed that the Canucks will make the playoffs. But this Olympic break gives the Canucks a much needed opportunity to reset, with their playoff hopes still very much alive.

Orwellian nightmare

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WEB-google glass-flickr-Wilbert Baan copyFrom the first mention of Google Glass, it seemed inevitable that this state-of-the-art technology would eventually be used as a surveillance tool for law enforcement officials to further infringe on our privacy. That’s why it comes as no surprise that the NYPD recently purchased a few pairs of the cutting-edge specs to test their efficiency in the field.

Government law enforcement officials who walk around with computerized glasses capable of recording, facial recognition, and access to a myriad of federal databases — does this not sound like a dystopian fantasy straight out of an Orwellian nightmare?

In The Peak’s fifth issue this semester, Adam Van der Zwan wrote an insightful piece on the legal implications of Google Glass. Although the legal implications are unnerving, the potential for infringement on privacy and equality is a scary threat to the current state of civil freedoms.

What frightens me most about Glass in the hands of law enforcement officials is the ability to identify a face, and match it with records stored in a database. With the extensive GPS and cyber-data collections officials have access to, they would essentially have a person’s whole life story laid out on a pane of glass.

There seem to be no limitations on how far officials will go to protect us from ourselves.

This means profiling based on where we have been, what we’ve searched on the Internet, and what kinds of photos we’re tagged in. This will only serve to encourage police profiling.

Tactics like “Stop-and-Frisk,” popular in recent New York history, in which officers stop individuals on the street and pat them down simply because they look suspicious, are bound to become more popular.

Apart from racial profiling, Google Glass and similar technologies invite a new kind of profiling: one relient on digitized history. Google Glass’s recording capabilities are another obvious potential privacy infringement. Consider how much can be recorded when everyone is wearing recording devices on their faces.

Of course, this could potentially work in favour of the general public: law enforcement officials will be under just as much surveillance as the rest of us. In any police encounters we could request Glass footage of the event from an officer’s point of view, and have video evidence of exactly what happened. But this one positive hardly outweighs the negatives.

Consider facial recognition capabilities. At this point in time, Google Glass lacks the ability to recognize faces, but it is not a stretch to imagine that this feature will be possible in the future.

The government have proved that they’re willing to spy through any means, as we’ve seen recently with our own Communications Security Establishment Canada (CSEC) using airport wifi to do so, or America’s National Security Agency (NSA) collecting user data from smartphone apps like Angry Birds. There seem to be no limitations on how far officials will go to protect us from ourselves.

Beyond Google Glass’s potential legal problems, we need to worry more about its use as a surveillance tool. It is bound to infringe on our privacy, alienate us into compliance and remove a few more of our civil liberties.