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Gitxaała and Ehattesaht First Nations rally to enforce UNDRIP

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Peak Web
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This is a photo of the entrance to a court that has “The Law Courts” written in black on the side of a concrete wall. Lots of little shrubs can be seen on the building.
PHOTO: Amirul Anirban / The Peak

By: Lucaiah Smith-Miodownik, News Writer

In the spring of 2023, the Gitxaała and Ehattesaht Nations took to BC’s Supreme Court to challenge the policy surrounding mining minerals like gold, silver, and copper. The Nations argued the “free-entry” system in practice is “outdated and unconstitutional” as it violates the government’s duty to consult Indigenous Peoples. This system — which is currently on pause due to the court’s ruling — allows individuals or companies to “stake claims on those minerals.” 

For the Gitxaała and Ehattesaht Nations, the policy is a “colonial holdover.” During BC’s gold rush era, from 1858 to the mid-1860s, settlers would claim land by driving a wooden stake into the ground. In the digital age, proof of age and the payment of a small fee are required for a claim.

The free-entry system does not require consultation with First Nations when it comes to mining on their unceded territory. In spring 2023, the court found that the Mineral Tenure Act, which previously abided by this free-entry system, had to be altered. Indigenous Watchdog reported BC agreed to freeze any current mining claims and pause the ability to generate new ones for five and three years, respectively, from March 7, 2024. This was “a partial victory” for Gitxaała and Ehattesaht.

The First Nations recently found themselves back in court on January 20 fighting for the Mineral Tenure Act to be labelled as “inconsistent with the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP).” According to Indigenous Watchdog, UNDRIP was adopted into ‘BC’ law” with consultation in 2019. The Government of Canada website states UNDRIP is designed to outline “collective and individual rights that constitute the minimum standards to protect the rights of Indigenous Peoples and to contribute to their survival, dignity, and well-being.”

These court cases “cost hundreds of thousands, if not millions of dollars, and many Nations don’t have the resources to be able to pay out of pocket for that,” Leslie Anne St. Amour, campaigns director at RAVEN Trust, told The Peak. RAVEN “raises legal defence funds for Indigenous Nations who are in court to protect land, air, and water for future generations.”

“We owe it to our children, to those yet to be born within the Gitxaała Nation. We do it with one voice and in the spirit of being of one heart.” — Linda Innes, Chief Councillor, Gitxaała Nation

The Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples Act (DRIPA) is a provincial act that sets UNDRIP “as the province’s framework for reconciliation.” The point of intersection between the DRIPA and UNDRIP has become the subject of debate. Specifically, whether DRIPA should be considered a political promise or legal obligation.

While the court did affirm the “duty to consult” First Nations before making mining claims, it also found that DRIPA “didn’t work the way Gitxaała was arguing it should,” St. Amour explained. The Gitxaała Nation “argued that regardless of whether or not the Mineral Tenure Act violated the duty to consult, it also violated DRIPA,” St. Amour said. The court ruled otherwise, asserting that DRIPA can’t be used “to create a legal action” because “it’s not enforceable,”  according to St. Amour.

She further explained that DRIPA required BC to lay out a plan to align the Act with UNDRIP, but since the two were not yet aligned, there was no “actionable issue.” She said the government is “often really careful to not say ‘this implements UNDRIP into Canadian law,’ but they would say things like ‘we’re bringing UNDRIP to BC, we’re incorporating it.’” In other words, Canada considers UNDRIP in their policies, but it is not Canadian law. To this end, St. Amour also acknowledged the complexities of applying international law in a provincial context, which might cause the government to be careful. 

Ultimately, the push to align DRIPA is about making sure that “all First Nations will have access to the courts if BC does not uphold its DRIPA commitments, and to ensure that all BC laws are interpreted consistently within Indigenous rights affirmed in UNDRIP,” according to Indigenous Watchdog. And, as Chief Councillor of the Gitxaała Nation Linda Innes said, “We owe it to our children, to those yet to be born within the Gitxaała Nation. We do it with one voice and in the spirit of being of one heart.”

For now, BC is still working on amending the Mineral Tenure Act. As for the most recent hearing, Gitxaała and Ehattesaht are waiting for the court to release a decision. Depending on the outcome, St. Amour said a possible next step may be to appeal to the Supreme Court.

Those interested in learning more or donating to RAVEN trust can do so at their website, raventrust.com. 

SFU to close community engagement offices

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Peak Web
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This is a photo of a shimmery orange window decal that reads “VOICES FOR VOCE” up on a door to a room that has an SFU presentation up.
PHOTO: Aria Amirmoini / The Peak

By: Mason Mattu, News Writer

On January 23, SFU announced plans to close their Vancity Office of Community Engagement (VOCE), and Surrey’s Office of Community Engagement. The university cited budget challenges as the reason. Both programs served to connect SFU with broader communities.

VOCE “has supported creative engagement, knowledge democracy, and access to arts and culture.” The office hosted events in the Downtown Eastside, establishing connections to the arts and culture scene. Since its inception in 2010, VOCE has established over 20 community partners and held over 100 discussions each year. The office also collaborated with SFU’s School for the Contemporary Arts (SCA) to host events.

The office, faculty, local artists, and community partners have voiced their disapproval of VOCE’s closure in an online letter. While SFU confirmed they spoke with “staff in both offices ahead of the public announcement,” they did not provide additional details to The Peak. The open letter described the closure as a “shocking and reckless development that has happened with little dialogue or consultation.” 

The Peak corresponded with Peter Dickinson, director of SCA, who explained VOCE has been “a vital partner in the Goldcorp Centre for the Arts, helping to legitimate SFU’s presence in the Downtown Eastside and, in the process, burnishing the image of Canada’s ‘engaged university.’

“To pull the plug on the office so abruptly and arbitrarily seems like a complete betrayal of SFU’s values.” He also said the impacts of VOCE’s closure on SCA will be “massive,” referencing the events and connections VOCE can no longer support.

“To pull the plug on VOCE so abruptly and arbitrarily seems like a complete betrayal of SFU’s values.” — Peter Dickinson, director, SFU School for the Contemporary Arts

According to the VOCE letter, all six of its staff members will be terminated, including director Am Johal. “I consider Am a good friend as well as a colleague, and I don’t want to speak for him, but I know that he is gutted by what has happened, not least because of the effect this will have on his team,” said Dickinson. “Now, they are unemployed, upset, but also justifiably bewildered as to why this decision was taken.”

Community members have shared their thoughts online in support of the office. “Hogan’s Alley Society strongly supports VOCE and its vital role in fostering meaningful connections between the university and the broader community,” wrote Djaka Blais, executive director of Hogan’s Alley Society. “Their commitment to amplifying the work of Hogan’s Alley Society has helped raise awareness of the systemic issues affecting Black communities and has strengthened our capacity to advocate for culturally informed housing, equitable development, and historical recognition.”

To “protest the shutdown of VOCE,” SCA held a teach-in event — Voices for VOCE — from 9:30 a.m. to 9:00 p.m. on February 13. The event involved lectures, “small file” film viewings, and activism workshops to advocate for the continued operation of VOCE. Students gathered to show their support and solidarity. 

SFU’s Office of Community Engagement in Surrey also closed. It also aimed to connect students, faculty, and staff to the broader community — advancing education, strengthening knowledge, and having a “meaningful impact on issues that matter.” The office distributed up to $120,000 worth of community engagement grants to staff and $30,000 for students. These community engagement grants supported “teaching, research, and social impact work.” The office was also in charge of implementing SFU’s Strategic Community Plan, a framework to “engage students, engage research, and engage community.”  

According to SFU, the university will continue to be engaged with the community through the “Center for Dialogue, Public Square, Goldcorp Centre for the Arts Production and Event Services, and SFU Galleries.” The university also stated that a new “organizational structure” has been put in place with a “consolidated organizational model for Community Engagement & Dialogue.” SFU also told The Peak that “over the next few months, the university will work with relevant academic units, including the faculty of communication, art, and technology” to support the arts community. They stated, “This will include a discussion on the right reporting relationship for the Goldcorp Centre for the Arts Production and Event Services and SFU Galleries.”

This is a story that The Peak will continue to cover.

Who’s running and what’s on the ballot?

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Peak Web
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A photo of convocation mall in SFU Burnaby campus
PHOTO: Gudrun Wai-Gunnarsson / The Peak

By: Lucaiah Smith-Miodownik, News Writer

Editor’s note: As an independent student society, The Peak Publications Society would financially benefit from the General Fee Motion and staff members have been involved in campaigning for it. We’ve taken steps to prevent conflict of interest from affecting our reporting of this issue, such as ensuring the writer and editors of this piece are not involved in or informed by the campaign. The Peak remains committed to objectivity and representing diverse student perspectives on issues that affect students. 

As the Simon Fraser Student Society (SFSS) executive election approaches and campaign posters fill campus halls, you may be asking, what even is the SFSS and how does it work? Their website states they are a “a student-led organization” designed to “advocate for students, build student power, and provide resources and services.” All undergraduate students, through paying an activity fee, are SFSS members. Let’s break down what that means, and what we’ll be voting for this Thursday and Friday.

More specifically, the SFSS manages things like student’ health and dental coverage and U-Pass, operates a free legal clinic, and organizes a student food bank program. They also include various committees, which form “to help assist the SFSS Council perform its mandate.” They can either be permanent or ad-hoc, with the latter dissolving “as soon as their task is complete.”  

SFSS decisions are run by a Council, which is made up of the executive committee — executive officers elected by the student body, more on them below — and non-executive councillors, which represent “every faculty and departmental student group across all three SFU campuses.” Non-executive councillors also include representatives from equity-seeking constituency groups and other affiliated student groups, like the ones listed in the next paragraph. In conjunction, the executive committee and non-executive councillors “advocate for the interests of the 25,000+ undergraduate students at SFU.”

The SFSS also helps oversee funding for independent student societies and organizations, including the Disability and Neurodiversity Alliance, the Women’s Centre, the Students of Caribbean and African Ancestry, and the First Nations, Métis, and Inuit Student Association.

There are seven executive officer positions up for election this spring, which collectively form the executive committee. Additionally, there are three ballot questions for students to vote on regarding fee increases for student society funding, and increases to the SFSS Health and Dental Plan. Below you will find a brief description of each position, some related past work, the candidates vying for election, and a rundown of the issues on the ballot.

For full-time students, $1.50 extra would be allocated to each of the following societies: Embark Sustainability, Simon Fraser Public Interest Research Group, CJSF 90.1 FM, and The Peak.

President

When necessary, the SFSS president addresses SFU and the public as the figurehead of the organization. Presidential duties include leading executive committee meetings, overseeing executive officers, managing employment contracts, and more. Current president Emmanuel Adegboyega highlighted the cost of living and school budget cuts as high-priority issues at the start of the 2024–25 year.

Candidates for the 2025–26 term:

  • Landy Liu: “To be a president who represents you, it is my priority to make you feel heard, included, and recognized.”
  • Mehtab Singh: “Push for more student housing and fair rent policies so living near SFU isn’t impossible.”

Vice-president of internal and organizational development

This role oversees the different Council committees, coordinates SFSS meeting logistics, and acts as a conduit between Council and various student unions and groups. They also act as the chair for the governance committee, which “serves as the oversight for the society’s constitution, bylaws, and policies.” During the 2023–24 term, the governance committee focused on finance policies, updating overall Council policy for more inclusive language, and more.

Candidates for the 2025–26 term:

  • Viraj Chowdhary: “Maintain regular communication with student unions and constituency groups, ensuring their concerns are heard and addressed promptly.”
  • Jeffrey Collinson: “Ensure transparency of the society by submitting work reports to the website in a timely manner.”
  • Johnny Gates: “I will work to increase the amount of opportunities students can gain from their time at SFU whether that be career-wise or socially.”
  • Ash Powers:“Push for greater transparency around SFSS finances, ensuring students know where their fees are going.”
  • Jorawar Singh: “My role, if elected, will be to ensure that the SFSS stays focused on YOU — the students.”
  • Thomas-Anei Lueth: Platform not available at the time of writing.

Vice-president of finance and services

This vice-president organizes funds and investments while overseeing the SFSS yearly operating budget. They also chair the finances and services committee. Last year, the committee ensured that SFSS’ tax procedures were up to date, as well as proposed the current year’s Council term budget. The vice-president of finance and services also monitors current finance policies to avoid overspending. They collaborated with the vice-president of internal and organizational development to sign the StudentCare agreement, which focuses on providing comprehensive health coverage and allowing students to make claims for reimbursement.

Candidates for the 2025–26 term:

  • Philippe Bamba: “I will fight to reduce student tuition increases to 1% for the coming years by working with the finance department.”
  • Pranay Ratan:“Live Budget Tracker — A real-time budget dashboard so students can see where SFSS funds are being spent.”

Vice-president of university and academic affairs

This role acts as a bridge between the Council and the school. They “coordinate student representation on all university committees,” as well as “student involvement in university community affairs and activities.” They also serve as the chair for the university and academic affairs committee. Last year, the committee ran the Munchie Mondays program, providing free snacks to students. It also helped facilitate the Free Breakfast program, and collaborated with SFU to put out a survey regarding student opinion on tuition.

Candidates for the 2025–26 term:

  • Rishu Bagga: “I bring a track record of results, strong advocacy, and effective leadership.”
  • Brian Nderitu: “Push for open-access course materials, work to integrate textbook costs into tuition fees, and advocate for more scholarships and bursaries.”

Vice-president of external and community affairs

This role connects the SFSS with “external groups and community organizations.” In December 2021, they helped connect with local groups including Highlands Elementary School, Nester’s, Point Church, and more to raise money for flood victims. The position also serves as the chair for the external and community affairs committee. During the 2023–24 term, the committee focused on the Community Fridge program, designed so community members can take and leave food to reduce waste while helping one another. The committee also represented SFU students during the BC budget consultation process, and helped host events like Welcome Day and Valentine’s Day celebrations.

Candidates for the 2025–26 term:

  • Jessica Lamb: “Continuing to work with other student-led and student-focused organizations to advance advocacy and lobbying efforts.”
  • Chitransh Motwani: “Lobby for lower tuition fees, increased government funding, and more financial aid options for students.”
  • Surya Murali: “I will work with the British Columbia Federation of Students and the Alliance of BC Students to push back against unfair hikes, especially for international students.”

Vice-president of equity and sustainability

This position connects the SFSS with “all constituency groups and collectives representing marginalized communities.” They represent SFSS on pressing issues like “disability justice, anti-racism, [and] climate justice.” They serve as the chair for the equity and sustainability committee. Last year, the committee helped with Munchie Mondays, approved a trial run of a Menstrual Product program in SUB bathrooms, and more.

Candidates for the 2025–26 term:

  • Hyago Santana Moreira: “For me, the fight for sustainability and equity isn’t just policy — it’s personal.”
  • Esther Nguyen: “Making sure that marginalized voices are at the table, not just an afterthought in decision-making.”
  • Besmillah Sultani: “SFU should be a place where every student feels included, supported, and empowered.”

Vice-president of events and student affairs

The vice-president of events and student affairs is “a liaison with student unions, constituency groups, clubs, independent student run societies, and other student groups.” This position supervises the process of creating new student unions and constituency groups as well. They also serve as the chair of the events committee. Last year, the events committee coordinated pet therapy on campus, movie nights, Diwali, Holi Hai, and more.

Candidates for the 2025–26 term include:

  • Vee Babbar: “We deserve a campus that feels alive — where events are bigger, student life is stronger, and our community is more connected than ever.”
  • Yousuf Naroo :“I’ll push for an official student vote to increase social spaces on campus.”
  • Mayank Pandit:  “Events should be more physically and financially affordable for all students, with affordable tickets and accommodations for students with disabilities.”
  • Albert Radu: “I will bring much-needed reform to the financing system to ensure that the distribution of funds is faster, fairer, and transparent to club organizers.”
  • Giselle Rafe:- “I’ve dedicated myself to creating spaces where people feel supported, connected, and empowered.”

Referendum ballots

The first ballot measure is a General Fee Motion. 

  • This involves a proposed fee increase to go towards funding for the following independent student societies: Embark Sustainability, Simon Fraser Public Interest Research Group, CJSF 90.1 FM, and The Peak. The groups state that their levies have not increased to keep up with inflation and this has “limited their ability to serve students and enhance campus life.”
  •  For full-time students, $1.50 extra would be allocated to each group. Additionally, the fee for SFSS membership would increase by $12 for full-time students. This would be a total increase of $18.
  • For part-time students, the fee for each organization listed above would increase by $0.75, and the SFSS membership fee would increase by $6. This brings the total increase to $9.
  • Additionally, these fees would increase in proportion with the rate of inflation beginning in the fall of next year.
  • Students always have the ability to opt-out and receive a refund for these fees.

The second ballot measure is a Health and Dental One Time Increase.

  • This involves a proposed increase in yearly health and dental insurance fees for students. Plans would see an increased cost of $97. For basic plans, this would mean a jump from $207.40 to $304.40. For enhanced plans, the fee of $267.08 would increase to $364.08.
  • Without an increase in fees, “the Board of Directors will be forced to further reduce benefits next year and every subsequent year.”
  • For students who have other coverage, it is possible to opt-out entirely.

The third ballot measure is a Health and Dental Inflationary Increase.

  • This involves allowing for the SFSS Board of Directors to increase health and dental fees by a maximum of 5% per year beginning September 1, 2026.
  • This potential increase would be designed “to account for inflation.”
  • Without this increase, “Health and Dental Plan services will be cut next year and every subsequent year.”

Hopefully this clears things up just a little bit. Voting will take place between February 27–28 through SFU email. In the meantime, keep looking for that semblance of human empathy, it’s out there somewhere. 

For more information on candidates, positions, and ballot measures, visit sfss.ca. For a more in-depth look at ballot measures specifically, visit The Peak as well.

Why we should vote “yes” on the Health and Dental Plan fee increase

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Peak Web
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Yearly health insurance fees of Canadian universities. IMAGE: Courtesy of Simon Fraser Student Society

By: Emmanuel Adegboyega, SFU Student

Editor’s note: This was written by the Simon Fraser Student Society president endorsing a referendum he has worked on. The Peak will not be financially compensating Adegboyega as per our conflict of interest policy, which states that when an employee of the SFSS writes on issues of student politics, that piece shall not be paid. The Peak’s coverage of the referendum is not influenced by the SFSS. This is an Opinions article that reflects the opinion of the author. The Peak was not able to independently verify the SFSS’ data on increasing claims from students due to confidentiality.

I will be the first to admit that increasing fees is unpopular. But stay with me as I explain to you why this is necessary, and what you have to gain from this.

The SFSS is conducting a referendum to propose a one-time increase to its Health and Dental Plan fees from $267.08 to $364.08 per year. On a separate question, the referendum proposes allowing the SFSS Council the ability to adjust this fee for inflation by up to 5% annually, if necessary (meaning this would not happen by default). It is important to note these two questions are independent of one another.

With rising costs, the current fee cap can no longer sustain the plan. If students vote against the increase, the SFSS may need to reduce costs by cutting benefits, resulting in less coverage and higher out-of-pocket expenses. Without this adjustment, the plan may no longer adequately meet your healthcare needs. To continue providing essential services, the SFSS must ensure that fees keep pace with growing expenses.

The last successful fee increase referendum took place over a decade ago, in 2014, when the plan fee rose from $198 to $255. In the last decade, the SFSS Health and Dental Plan fee has increased by only 5% (to the current $267.08). Let that sink in.

With rising costs, the current fee cap can no longer sustain the plan.

The reason for holding the referendum at this time is the SFSS Health and Dental Plan has reached its fee ceiling, and without your approval, the SFSS cannot raise fees beyond the current cap. On the other hand, the costs of providing this service have increased every year due to inflation and soaring claims. This reality has the SFSS stuck between a rock and a hard place.

In past years, the cost of literally everything has increased and this service is no exception. However, our fees have not kept up with inflation. If we simply account for this, since the last fee increase in 2014, our current fees should be at $334.13 today.

To put this in context, this referendum is proposing a new fee of $364.08 — an additional $29.95 to what it should be if we factor for inflation only.

Increased usage and claims by students are also contributing to the rising premiums. If you drive a car, you already understand that if you submit a claim, you can fully expect your premiums to increase at renewal. The Health and Dental Plan works in a broadly similar way. Last year alone, students accessed a record $4.6 million in health and dental services, marking a 35% increase in claims over the past five years, according to annual confidential reports that could not be shared with The Peak. This growing reliance on the plan is proof that students need this program now more than ever. However, this also means premiums need to rise to match demand. The SFSS has always worked hard to balance affordability with accessibility, but continued rising usage and service costs now necessitate this fee increase.

While it’s difficult to swallow the idea of a fee increase, it’s important to put it in context. The SFSS Health and Dental Plan fees are among the lowest of comparable student associations — UBC’s current fee for undergraduate students sits at $367. If this referendum passes, the SFSS will bring its fees in line with those of other associations, ensuring that we continue to offer robust coverage without compromising on the quality of care students receive.

It’s also important to remember you have options. If you have an existing coverage plan through a parent, partner, or employer, you can opt-out and receive a full refund. However, not every student has the option of alternative coverage, and for some students, this is the only health plan they receive. You can also choose to downgrade from the Enhanced Care Plan to the Basic Care Plan for less coverage at a lower fee. Alternatively, you can keep the Enhanced Care Plan for comprehensive coverage. The bottom line is: supporting the Health and Dental Plan Fee Increase is an investment in your well-being and the well-being of your peers. So, as you head to the polls (SFU inboxes) on February 27–28, consider the long-term impact on your health — and vote to support the plan that serves you.

What the SFSS presidential candidates are fighting for this election

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This is a photo of an orange door that says “executive committee” vertically on the side of it on the window.
PHOTO: Courtesy of The Peak

By: Phone Min Thant, Staff Writer, and Hannah Fraser, News Editor

Every year, the Simon Fraser Student Society (SFSS) elects student representatives to its executive committee. This year, 23 candidates are campaigning for the seven positions: SFSS president and six vice presidents. The campaign period began on February 10 and will run until February 26, during which the candidates attempt to make their visions heard. Election day is February 27–28.

No role is more encompassing than that of the SFSS president. The presidential office-holder has the responsibility of representing “the society on formal occasions,” ensuring executives “carry out their assigned duties,” and chairing executive committee meetings. The president also ensures members abide by the SFSS’ bylaws, contracts, and policies. They work more closely with legal counsel and vice-president of finance and services to ensure all contracts are “in the best interests of the society” as well. 

This year, two candidates vie to become the next SFSS president: Landy Liu and Mehtab Singh. The Peak reached out to the candidates to learn more about their visions for the SFU community, but didn’t hear back before the publication deadline. The following statements are taken from what’s available on their online platforms.

Landy Liu

Liu is a fourth-year chemistry student with a minor in nuclear science who has taken on a number of roles in SFU student groups. From 2021–24, Liu has been the Science Undergraduate Society president, vice-president academic and student affairs, and first-year representative. He is currently the Residence Hall Association vice-president internal and national, Chemistry Student Society SFSS representative, and alternate for the science undergraduate student representative in the SFU Senate. He stated he is committed to improving SFU’s sense of community and accountability around the SFSS’ use of funds. 

Liu stated his plans to create an optional “SFSS pro membership,” in which “the SFSS could partner with local restaurants and services to provide additional discounts/benefits.” He also proposed a “community-led merchandise collaboration” created by SFU artists and the return of The Study — a bar and arcade across from the WAC Bennett Library on the Burnaby campus as “an important hub for socialization.” The Study “temporarily closed for an undetermined amount of time” from November 12, 2024.

No role is more encompassing than that of the SFSS president.

The former Science Undergraduate Society president also aims to “continue supporting free student services” like “the Health and Dental Plan, SUB constituency group services, pancake breakfasts, and emergency food vouchers.” He wants “SFSS society updates and summaries of meeting minutes” to be released regularly, which “could take on forms of videos, newsletter, or town halls.”

Mehtab Singh

Singh stated he is committed to “make SFU safe, especially at night,” and “fight for affordable housing and food.” On the topic of SFU safety, Singh plans to add “security patrols and emergency call stations where students actually need them,” as well as a “Safe Rides program — a student-run shuttle for late-night commutes.” As for affordability, he promises to “push for more student housing and fair rent policies” as well as “expand meal plan options and grocery discounts.”

Singh is also committed to making SFU more sustainable by offering “more affordable plant-based food and better campus meal options.” He also wants to add “more bike racks, e-bike stations, and safe pedestrian routes so students have real options.” On the topic of transportation, he also wants to “demand more frequent buses, especially at night and during peak hours” and “expand the U-Pass program to include better transit options.”

The presidential candidate also expressed wanting to make a raccoon the SFSS mascot. Singh stated he will push for “raccoon-themed events, merch, and a student-chosen name for our new mascot,” as well as a “raccoon fund.” This fund would be “dedicated to student-led events, food programs, and campus life improvements.”

To learn more about the SFSS and the executive roles this election, read the Features article on page 8.

Thierry Henry, an Olympian with the talent of scoring

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A child watching Thierry Henry highlights on a TV in their room. Posters of Henry are hung up around the walls.
ILLUSTRATION: Abigail Streifel / The Peak

By: Yildiz Subuk, Staff Writer

I’ve never been fond of Arsenal as a soccer club. I don’t know if it’s the jerseys, the fanbase, or the team’s ability to have remarkable seasons before “blowing it” when it matters most. However, there is one player I will always respect and admire, Thierry Henry. 

As a child, watching footage of Henry play felt like witnessing a superhuman compete against a team of athletes trying to keep up. His pace was unbelievable, to the point where he could make headlines at the Olympics for sprinting competitions. His accuracy, dribbling, and ball control were impressive, especially when considering the top speed he reached was 39.2 km/hr, the fastest recorded in a major soccer league. That would mean that Henry was about 10 km/hr short of the speed limit for most towns, but he was also balancing a ball with his feet while moving past a team’s defence and deciding how to line up a shot. 

I got into soccer during a time when Henry was out of his prime. It was 2013, and Henry had gone from playing in the top leagues in Europe, to the MLS, a place where many legends now go to retire. At the time, Henry was playing for the New York Red Bulls, with many other remarkable players dominating the headlines. FC Barcelona was a force in major sports. I thought I knew a good amount about Barcelona until a clip of Henry came up. I had never seen or heard of Henry before. The clip was an interview with him after Barcelona won the Champions League finals in the 2008–09 season against Manchester United. As he spoke, he teared up. Little did I know, this was Henry’s moment of realization — he’d finally won the last major trophy he had yet to win in his career.

“Henry was about 10 km/hr short of the speed limit for most towns, but he was also balancing a ball with his feet while moving past a team’s defence and deciding how to line up a shot.”

This was also towards the end of Henry’s remarkable career playing in a top-five league. He had reached the fastest speed ever recorded on the pitch, became Arsenal’s top scorer with 228 goals (a record he still holds today), and won the World Cup and the Euro, along with many domestic trophies. Henry also played a crucial part in Arsenal’s historic unbeaten season in 2004 and is often considered one of the best players to never win a men’s Ballon d’Or, which is awarded yearly to the best player. 

Watching Henry often reminded me that there are some players who everyone wishes they played like, and whose ability seems impossible to reach, despite the practice. While many noticeably talented players can dribble well and shoot on target, not many can sprint across the entire pitch so effortlessly. At times, clips of Henry seemed almost edited. After a stellar career, Henry retired in 2014. While I always viewed him as someone with exceptional talent, a recent interview shed some light on the fact that Henry did eventually burn out and reach his limit. 

“I wanted to run. I couldn’t,” he told the interviewer, as he described how his daughter wanted to play tag with him one day, but the pain in his leg restricted him from getting up and chasing her. He elaborated on how he had been feeling pain in his achilles for nearly 10 years, but continued playing. While this information saddened me, it was a stark reminder of the fact that despite your physical capabilities, you will reach your limits. Despite reaching his limit, Henry became a legend — someone who, for a moment in time, made his own soccer clips seem like they were moving at twice the speed.

A taste of Ethiopia in Vancouver at Fassil Ethiopian Restaurant

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a white building with a white awning that reads “Fassil restaurant Ethiopian cuisine” in green.
PHOTO: Amirul Anirban / The Peak

By: Phone Min Thant, Staff Writer

Last week, I had the chance to visit Fassil Ethiopian Restaurant, home to warm meals and located not too far from the hustle and bustle of the Commercial-Broadway skytrain station. It’s named after King Fassil (Emperor Fasiladas), who founded Gondar, a city in Ethiopia, after “tiring of the pattern of migration that had characterized the lifestyle of so many of his forefathers.” 

As soon as I entered, I was greeted by a neat interior gracefully filled with paintings ranging from everyday Ethiopian landscapes to portraits. There were only two staff on the floor on that snowy Thursday night, and both of them welcomed me enthusiastically as soon as I entered. I was immediately entranced by the traditional Ethiopian music that played constantly from the two speakers right above the cashier corner. From the start, it felt like a warm visit to your grandparents’ house. 

Once I sat down, I was given a menu and ample time and space to decide on what to get. Soon, the chefs themselves came out to greet all the tables. When I admitted this was my first time trying Ethiopian cuisine, huge smiles dawned on their faces. I was recommended to get a taste of everything, so I ordered a veggie combo, a serving of siga keye wot (beef stew with spicy sauce), and doro wot (chicken thigh stew with boiled egg, onions, garlic, and spices). 

The food arrived — unexpectedly, in a huge silver platter with all my orders on it. Accompanying this platter was a plate of injera (flatbread) that was supposed to be eaten together with the stews and veggies. One thing I noticed once all the food arrived was there were no utensils. Fassil encourages the Ethiopian tradition of Gursha, which is the practice of eating using your bare hands. Understanding my unfamiliarity with Ethiopian cuisine, the staff, with their ever-appreciative courtesy, came up to my table and helped me figure out how to eat the other dishes with injera. Eating with bare hands was definitely a fun experience, and brought back many memories from my childhood back in Southeast Asia. I never thought a visit to an Ethiopian restaurant would open my eyes to the similarities in cultures and traditions from across continents. 

PHOTO: Phone Min Thant / The Peak

The food itself was scrumptious, and the soft, slightly-tangy injera paired perfectly with the rich, spicy stews so much so that the plate emptied before I realized it. But fret not, the silver platter earlier came with its own huge portion of injera. My favourite was the doro wot. The onion and garlic base of the stew stood in contrast to the otherwise light accompaniments of vegetables, making an interesting but suitable match. 

Getting the combo was a great idea. I was able to try out so many different pairings between the veggies and the two meat dishes — the combination of beef stew and chickpeas comes in a close second. Both meat dishes were unbelievably tender. The tiniest of pressure from your hand will break the chunks apart. Overall, the flavours were rich, spice-heavy, tangy, and heartwarming. My only regret was not being able to try their asa tibs (fried spiced basa fillet), mostly because the portions were already pretty huge even without it. Their menu also has a wide variety of drinks so don’t forget to grab a beverage to wash it all down! And the best part? You won’t have to break the bank. The combo with two meat dishes only came down to $50, and I got both dinner and takeout for days. 

Fassil is an ideal place, whether you want to have a quiet dinner trying out a cuisine you have never had before, or want to split a huge meal with your friends. I do recommend going with friends though, because you are definitely going to need help breaking down the huge portions of food. I found this out the hard way. Plus, it is more fun when everyone is digging into the same platter recommending radically different combinations to each other — truly practicing Gursha without having to visit Ethiopia (yet). Dining at Fassil was such an unforgettable experience, and I can’t wait to go back.

Tezeta, a dive into Ethiopia’s music scene and its Armenian influences

By
Peak Web
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Three older men laugh while staring out at something past the camera lens.
IMAGE: Courtesy of Ahura Mazda and I. C. Penguins

By: Yildiz Subuk, Staff Writer

Content warning: brief mention of genocide.

The Middle East and North Africa (MENA) film festival, held at the VIFF centre, has had an expansive catalogue of unique films and documentaries which capture stories from these regions. Tezeta, directed by Aramazt Kalayjian and Garegin Papoyan, unveils the rich contributions that Armenians have made to Ethiopian history. The film focuses on the power of nostalgia, and how music evokes longing emotions that connect them to their identity.

The filmmaker’s journey starts with an obsession with a picture. In the photo are 40 Armenian orphans, survivors from the Ottoman Empire’s Armenian genocide, who were adopted by an Ethiopian emperor, Haile Selassie, to start an orchestra. While the film seems like it may explore the lives of the orphans, the unheard testimonies of their relatives, or their history, it instead uses it to set a tone. Audiences see the story of one of the last Armenian artists in Ethiopia, Vahe Tilbian, unfold. The brief use of the photograph sets a powerful narrative in motion. 

Tilbian’s story is one of personal conflict. He struggles with identity and a drive to keep making music despite loving the art. While Tilbian was born and brought up in Ethiopia, his Armenian pigment is much lighter than those around him. Since much of the Armenian community in Ethiopia left for North America and Europe after the Derg military took over in 1974, Tilbian is one of a few still left. He loves the culture and music scene, and his concern has less to do with entering mainstream charts and more to do with reaching a point where he doesn’t feel out of place with his identity. Audiences are presented with three stages of the musician’s career, seeing his personal conflict unfold, but also seeing the profound ways in which he navigates his goals through music.

“While the film seems like it may explore the lives of the orphans, the unheard testimonies of their relatives, or their history, it instead uses it to set a tone. Audiences see the story of one of the last remaining Armenian artists in Ethiopia, Vahe Tilbian, unfold.”

As the filmmakers journey through Addis Ababa, the capital of Ethiopia, audiences discover the story of a jazz club that united many musicians like Alèmayèhu Eshèté (dubbed as “Ethiopian Elvis” in the film) and Mulatu Astatke, the man known as the creator of “Ethio-jazz,” which blends the melodious symphonies of traditional Ethiopian music with jazz. We see these musicians perform and cherish the space before it unfortunately burns down in 2015. The musicians talk about the experiences of performing in the jazz club, expressing their grievances. Through this space, they channeled memories in the form of their music. While this story is not directly related to Tilbian’s, it’s a great way to explore another avenue of the grander narrative, shifting from a personal story to one about community and space.

As the documentary reaches its final chapter, the theme becomes clear. Without giving too many spoilers, the conclusion is a rewarding testament to Tilbian’s devotion to his craft, as well as a poignant reminder of the meaning music scenes take on over the years. 

While Tezeta is an ambitious depiction of the Ethiopian music scene, it left me yearning for more information about the history of the Armenian orphans seeking refuge in the country. Ethiopia’s first national anthem was written by Kevork Nalbandian, who is of Armenian descent — which would have been a great addition to this documentary. Although the film had some great narratives about the current music scene, more details about the past may have been an effective addition.

As long as fossil fuel companies exist, we are all vulnerable to wildfires

By
Peak Web
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0
Photograph of a forest with charred trees and thick smoke.
PHOTO: Joanne Francis / Unsplash

By: Yildiz Subuk, Staff Writer

We are all susceptible to the volatility of the climate. January 7 marked the beginning of one of the most devastating wildfires that would eventually grow and spread across Los Angeles. Starting in the Pacific Palisades, the climate disaster displaced more than 100,000 people. While the exact cause of the fire is still under investigation, experts claim it was the result of hydroclimate whiplash — worsened by climate change. Hydroclimate whiplash occurs when a period of heavy rain, which leads to the growth of more vegetation, is followed by long periods of drought which kills the vegetation. When there is a large amount of dead vegetation, then there is an increased likelihood that vegetation is more vulnerable to catching and spreading fire. Along with this phenomena, the Santa Ana winds made the fires more uncontrollable, as they resemble the effect of a light hurricane. Fighting fires with such wind present is not only difficult but dangerous, as the winds cause the fire to spread further. 

These wildfires are a bleak, yet urgent reminder that climate issues are a lot closer than we think they are. It’s not just LA that has seen a devastating wildfire season, but BC as well. The scale of destruction from the 2023 wildfire season rivals that of the 2003 Okanagan Mountain Park fire, marking it as one of the most catastrophic in recent history. There are many compelling aspects such as burning of fossil fuels and a lack of preparation that could potentially cost many communities within the province their livelihoods. 

Wildfires are already an issue in BC

BC’s wildfire season in 2023 was the province’s most severe. Over 2.8 million hectares (or 28,000 square kilometers) were burned during this period and tens of thousands of individuals were displaced. 

The largest wildfire the province has seen, which happened that year, took place in Donnie Creek. The fire spread rapidly and ended up being the same size as Prince Edward Island. The fire was supposedly started by a lightning strike, becoming visible on May 12. The night time usually cools down wildfires, but in this case, it was a warm night. Aside from being the most devastating period for wildfires, 2023 was also the province’s hottest and driest year on record. This factor intensified the grounds for wildfires, causing them to spread more quickly, and allowing for more dead vegetation to pose a risk of catching fire. 

While not every single part of the province was directly impacted by the wildfire smoke, there was a lapse in air quality, and the smoke from the fires spread across closer regions. According to the government of BC, wildfire smoke affects every demographic as “during wildfire conditions producing heavy pollution, everyone is at risk regardless of their age or health.” It can cause inflammation in the lungs, which weakens the immune system, and breathing in the smoke can make a person more prone to “eye, throat, and nose irritation.” Headaches are also a symptom of inhaling too much smoke. People most at risk from wildfire smoke include those with pre-existing heart conditions and asthma, seniors, and pregnant individuals. 

Although 2024 was not as severe, there were still over one million hectares burned in the province, making it the fourth largest season for wildfires. The constant occurrence of larger-scale wildfires indicate they are no longer a lingering threat. They are unpredictable, difficult to manage, and often exacerbated by components of climate change. Wildfires have become an issue of the present day.

The government can prepare all they want for mitigating wildfires, but their actions clearly outline their priorities are not the people.

How does the burning of fossil fuels tie into all this?

Climate change plays a significant role in shaping the severity of wildfires. While wildfires can occur naturally, such as those caused by lightning, climate change has pushed them to the extreme. Wildfire seasons have increased in length and frequency between 1996 and 2013 compared to 1979–1996, which “amounted to a doubling in the total global burnable area affected by long fire weather seasons.”

It is well documented that fossil fuels are the largest contributor to climate change. The burning of fossil fuels (which include coal, natural gas, and oil), produces greenhouse gases which then trap heat in the atmosphere. This results in the climate heating up. Climate scientist and activist, David Suzuki states, “Fossil fuel funding is an investment in disaster.” 

Canada’s oil and natural gas industry contributes over $70 billion to the country’s gross domestic product, with just three oil and gas reserves (Kearl, Montney BC, Spirit River) alone contributing to over 50 million metric tonnes of carbon emissions. According to Statista, the top 10 fossil fuel companies in Canada alone have a carbon footprint of 135 million carbon dioxide equivalents of greenhouse gases emitted in 2022. To put this in perspective, “One million metric tons is roughly equal to the average annual emissions of 35 commercial airliners, 216,000 passenger vehicles, and 115,000 homes in the US.”

While large fossil fuel companies like FortisBC continue to pollute — promoting natural gas through misleading greenwashing campaigns — the government stays silent. These companies do not take accountability for their actions, nor do they listen to research for more sustainable energy. Instead they dodge accountability and spread misinformation about their actions. One way they spread misinformation is through rebranding their practices. For example fossil fuel companies brand natural gas as the “cleanest fossil fuel,” an attempt to placate the public into thinking these are eco-friendly practices. However, that might not be the case at all. Natural gas is actually made up of methane, which can trap 84 times as much heat than carbon dioxide within a 20 year span. 

Imperial Oil (owner of the Kearl site) was responsible for a toxic wastewater spill in Alberta’s oil sand. There were over five million metric tonnes of toxic wastewater spilling into local Indigenous communities. The spillage affected “members of the Mikisew Cree, the Athabasca Chipewyan and Fort McKay First Nations, the Fort Chipewyan Metis, and other downstream communities all the way to the Northwest Territories.” The company hid this from the Indigenous communities for nine months, putting entire communities at risk — an action which should be grounds for closure. Instead, Imperial Oil is only facing nine charges for failure to report the spill and take reasonable cleanup measures, causing a major impact on the environment, and for “causing the loss or damage of public land.” For a similar incident involving waste water they were only charged with $50,000. Imperial Oil is worth over $35 billion, so this fine is the equivalent of ticketing someone for arson. In 2023, the federal government invested $18.6 billion into the fossil fuel industry. It is clear the government would never let Imperial Oil or similar companies take such hefty penalties for putting people’s lives at risk.

The government can prepare all they want for mitigating wildfires, but their actions clearly outline their priorities are not the people. While firefighters risk their lives to stop the flow of fires, and many communities are displaced, millions of dollars and property damages are lost, and many fossil fuel companies continue to operate in Canada, evading any form of true punishment for their actions. Unless the federal government truly prioritizes the adequate punishing of fossil fuel industries, they will remain complicit in prioritizing profits over people. Until the interest of people and not revenue is prioritised, then the population of BC as well as the rest of Canada remains vulnerable to wildfires.

The “right” has the wrong ideas about sexual health

By
Peak Web
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0
political cartoon, pierre poilievre using an IUD as a toothpick
ILLUSTRATION: Victoria Lo / The Peak

By: Michael Morris, SFU Student

Whether it’s blocking contraceptives, stigmatizing or removing abortion, those who are the most impacted by the right’s attack on sexual health are often left out of the conversation, and decisions are made for them. The right wing’s attack on sexual health is not exactly overt, but it is rooted in old Evangelical Christian values about the morality of sex. While there is nothing inherently wrong about religious values, right wing politicians want to enforce their interpretations of faith onto others while completely neglecting that their actions are discriminatory, controlling, and have serious negative implications. They have shifted from outright shaming of what they deem “impure” as an attempt to distance themselves from the blatant ideological roots of conservatism, and instead resort to being as vague as possible to further their agenda.

An early North American example of the right wing’s attack on sexual health was the Comstock Act of 1873. The act is named after Anthony Comstock, “a devout Christian” man who pushed an anti-sex agenda in America during the 1870s. He began by supplying the police with information on what he deemed as obscene or immoral, including sex work, pornography, and contraceptives. He drafted his own law outlining the “obscenity” of contraceptives for Congress, and they passed it in 1873 — a law that is still brought up by the US Supreme Court today. So much for a party “free from ideology.”

The right’s attack on sexual health is not only a problem in America, but one that presents itself in Canada as well. Abortion is not regulated by a law, but part of the Canadian Healthcare Act, which ensures that access to abortion is a human right. However, this does not mean that Canadian right wing politicians are obligated to care about sexual health or bodily autonomy; in fact, they are unclear about their sexual health agenda here.

“They have shifted from outright public shaming of what they deem as impure as an attempt to distance themselves from the blatant ideological roots of the party, and instead resort to being as vague as possible to further their agenda.”

During May of 2024 Pierre Poilievre was criticized by Leah Gazan, an NDP member of parliament, for voting “against free birth control for nine million Canadians.” This willingness to police contraceptives is hidden from Poilievre’s agenda. While he tirades about making Canada a free country, he seems to have some inconsistent stances when it comes to controlling sexual health and bodily autonomy. He’s suggested that he is pro-choice, but his actions are contradictory. In 2012, Poilievre voted in favour of motion 312, which The Abortion Rights Coalition described to be anti-choice, as it would redefine the term “human being,” roping fetuses into the definition. This type of redefinition has been consistently used to justify controlling abortion. Poilievre, despite apparently being insistent on individual freedoms, also claimed that “pro-life Canadians are welcome in [the Conservative] party,” a group which actively tries to take away an individual’s right to choose. Poilievre’s actions raise some serious alarm about the access to sexual health freedoms.

Albertan premier Danielle Smith has also raised some serious concerns when it comes to accessing safe abortions in the province. In September 2024, the premier expressed interest in moving some of Alberta’s healthcare away from the responsibility of the provincial government. This would instead allow private companies with their own terms of service, like Covenant Health, to take over. Covenant Health is a Catholic health provider and notably does not perform abortions, provide emergency contraceptives, or gender affirming care. Rural communities could specifically be impacted by this, as Smith claims “we just need different operators in the smaller communities so that we can get back to delivering that level of care.” While abortion is a human right in Canada, provinces are allowed to outsource healthcare to faith based organizations even if their values reject certain life-saving procedures. 

Through vague stances and subtle interests in shifting policies, the Conservative party manages to dodge an explicitly “pro-choice party” label while pretending to care about the health of constituents. The Conservatives will not advertise their disregard for sexual health, instead they will claim they have people’s interests in mind as they slowly begin to block access to adequate sexual health care. While not every Conservative member or voter may necessarily be against proper sexual health, it is important to note this rhetoric runs rampant within the party. There should be no room for political leaders to project their own personal values, especially if it is rooted in faith, onto an entire population filled with diverse people with different needs. Do not be fooled; if the party cared about such a crucial right, especially the disproportionate amount of women it affects, they wouldn’t hide behind unclear positions and feel the need to avoid the issue.

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Simon Fraser University’s independent student newspaper since 1965.

Contact us: [email protected]

© The Peak Publications Society 1965-2024

Simon Fraser University’s independent student newspaper since 1965.

Contact us:
[email protected]

© The Peak Publications Society 1965-2024