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Vancouver Youth Choir wins first place at the Cork International Choral Festival

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A photo of the VYC mid-performance
PHOTO: Juliana Manalo / The Peak

By: Marie Jen Galilo, Staff Writer

Back in May, the Vancouver Youth Choir (VYC) led by artistic director Carrie Tennant won first place with an impressive score of 95.1% in the Fleischmann International Trophy Competition, one of the many events in the Cork International Choral Festival. The VYC sang a total of four choral pieces in the competition, including “Angelus Domini” by Giovanni Gabrielli, “Fire” by Katerina Gimon, “Õhtul” by Pärt Uusberg, and “O Sapientia” by Tadeja Vulc. Tennant was also awarded the McCurtain and McSwiney Memorial Trophy for expressing her creativity and musical artistry through her choral leadership. In addition to the competition, the festival also has several non-competitive events, such as fringe concerts and pop-up performances, some of which the VYC also participated in. 

The VYC, which was founded in 2013, is now Canada’s largest youth choir consisting of more than “700 singers across 16 ensembles in 8 levels,” between the ages of 5 to 24. The VYC aims to create an environment where singers feel supported as they learn various vocal techniques and grow into their own unique voices. The VYC participates in events at both the national and international level through which they share their passion for music, such as the 2025 Jeju International Choral Symposium.

The Peak spoke with Zayan Kassam, a tenor 2 apprentice section leader in the VYC, to learn more about the festival experience.

When he was first told that the VYC’s application to compete was accepted, Kassam said he was “very excited certainly.” As he reflected, VYC isn’t “exactly a traditional choir per se,” which led him to wonder about how the competition’s judges would receive their entry, but he was nonetheless intrigued about the preparation process that would follow. 

In preparation, Kassam said that the choir did “lots of rehearsals and at-home practicing,” but also collaborated with a “fantastic clinician (guest conductor),” who assisted the choir with several persistent challenges. It was here that Kassam and the VYC learned how to practice “setting intent,” which he described as “thinking about the music, what we want to portray, and focusing on our artistry,” so that “we can put our whole heart into that performance.”

Having the opportunity to visit Cork and be a part of the festival was a truly incredible moment for Kassam and the team, as they shared the stage with hundreds of “musicians of such a high calibre.” Personally, he reflected that, “stepping on stage is something I’ve done many, many times in my life, but I’ve never competed before. That was a really exciting feeling.” 

“Watching an audience see their first VYC performance is always so fun because of how much it transforms people’s perspectives on choral music, and I’m so grateful that I get to be a part of that.”

— Zayan Kassam, VYC Member

After the competition, the VYC — as is customary for the winning team to perform a piece following the announcement of winners — also performed “Kei Wareware i a Tātou” by Margaret Ngaropo Hati, Charles Te Wake-Mathews, and Latoya Leef-Mathews. Following that, at the closing gala, they went on to perform “Quizassa” by Merrill Garbus and “Here Comes the River” by Patrick Watson.

The VYC and choral events like the Cork International Choral Festival show that choral music is more than singing notes on a page — it is a bridge that brings people together, transcending time, space, and language so that the harmonious blend of their voices can bring the notes on sheets of music to life.

 

What your favourite film director says about you

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A black-and-white composite image of film directors (from left to right): Abbas Kiarostami, Hirokazu Kore-eda, Hayao Miyazaki, Christopher Nolan, Steven Spielberg, Greta Gerwig, Alice Wu, Hong Sang-soo, and Wong Kar-wai
IMAGE: Abbey Perley / The Peak, with stock courtesy of Flickr and Wikimedia Commons

By: Your Letterboxd account

Abbas Kiarostami: You have a deep appreciation for the mundane and the small beauties of life. Unfortunately you are also deeply melancholic. I’m sorry you’re going through such a difficult time — maybe you need to watch something other than Taste of Cherry to cheer you up.

Hirokazu Kore-eda: You have significant family trauma and you have the urge to vicariously live through Kore-eda’s filmography. The emotional pain of watching his films on a loop gives you catharsis while you’re still looking for that found family

Greta Gerwig: Are you a white feminist? I promise you there are more films about the experience of being a woman than Barbie and Lady Bird. May I direct you towards Kinuyo Tanaka’s filmography

Christopher Nolan: You need to branch out and watch more movies. I’m sorry, but having a non-linear plot and everything composed by Hans Zimmer does not make a masterpiece. If you’re looking for suggestions, start with Park Chan-Wook’s The Handmaiden — now that’s a non-linear king. 

Hayao Miyazaki: Your nervous system is deeply unregulated which is why you always turn to the classic, slow-paced wonders of Miyazaki. You deeply relate to Kiki’s Delivery Service because of its exploration of burnout, and that should be a lesson you take to heart!

Hong Sang-soo: You are very, very socially awkward. However, that’s not the real problem. Just like his pretentious self-insert characters, you believe you are entitled to love, but spend little time considering other people’s emotions.

Ousmane Sembène: You have a deep sense of purpose and originality. Just like a real film lover, you’re aware that Europe is not the centre.

Steven Spielberg: You think film is primarily for entertainment. There’s nothing wrong with that, you’re just a straightforward person. 

Wong Kar-wai: You think you can cure loneliness by travelling to neon-lit cities. Alas, that is not the case. Didn’t you learn anything from Happy Together?

Alice Wu: You are gay with a great sense of humour! Honestly, you’re probably more chill than the rest of the people on this list.

 

NDP MP Gord Johns introduces motion to increase mental health services

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PHOTOS: blacksalmon / Unsplash

By: Niveja Assalaarachchi, News Writer

On April 27, New Democratic Party (NDP) member of parliament Gord Johns introduced motion M-31 in the House of Commons focused on mental health services in Canada. This is a private members’ motion: a motion introduced by individual members who are not a part of Cabinet or the Legislative assembly, the law-making committees of the House. M-31 calls to recognize that the country is going through a “a mental health and substance use crisis” wherein “too many Canadians are unable to access mental health or substance use supports in a timely manner.” 

The motion notes that emergency services and general practitioners have been overstrained in this country as a result of increased mental health issues and “lack of access to community-based mental health and substance use services.” Johns’ motion also highlights how Canada’s mental health funding has lagged behind countries like Germany, the United Kingdom, and France.

The motion calls on the government to increase federal spending on mental health services from a reported 6.9% as of 2019, to 12% of the nationwide health-care spending budget. It emphasizes the need to work with provincial governments while reaching this budgetary goal, and the need to present annual reports to parliament concerning this issue.

Concerns regarding mental health remain significant in this country, withone in three people aged 15 years and older [experiencing] a mental illness or substance use disorder during their lifetime,” according to a 2021 report from the federal government. This report points out that the mental health crisis affects different groups disproportionately, highlighting that Indigenous Peoples experience “persistent inequalities” through the ongoing effects of colonization. This ongoing process has a direct impact on the mental health of Indigenous Peoples through “the loss of land, culture, and self-determination,” as well as structural challenges such as “discrimination and a lack of culturally safe services.” 

Federal NDP leader Avi Lewis has also supported the bill, alongside the Canadian Alliance on Mental Illness and Mental Health (CAMIMH), a national policy advocate for mental health in Canada. The Peak reached out to Gord Johns via email, and a media representative shared a recorded press conference held on April 30. At the conference, Lewis noted,

“Mental health is part of your health. It should be part of our publicly funded health-care system.”

— Avi Lewis, Leader of the New Democratic Party of Canada

Lewis further added that Canada was in a moment of “nation building” and that “comprehensive mental health coverage is a nation-building project worthy of the [parliamentary] term.”

Anthony Esposti, co-chair of CAMIMH, highlighted that the issue requires “all parties come together to achieve mental health parity, which will help address the systemic issues that contribute to the deepening mental health and opioid crises in Canada.”

Johns, who has been a Member of Parliament since 2015 representing the Courtenay-Alberni riding, has previously advocated for federal action on mental health. In 2025, he introduced M-20, a motion that aimed to establish a “national strategy for addressing the mental health impacts of emergencies,” including natural disasters and large-scale emergencies that impact communities. However, this motion was never tabled in parliament. Johns also focused on issues such as substance use by introducing the private members’ bill, C-216, in 2021. Among other actions, this bill aimed to amend several federal laws surrounding substance use, including amending the Controlled Drugs and Substances Act to reduce charges of possession of certain narcotics via decriminalization. However, the bill did not progress past its second reading in the House. 

Annual dragon boat festival cancelled due to FIFA World Cup

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PHOTO: Jsdyson / Wikimedia Commons / Licensed under CC BY-SA 4.0

By: Niveja Assalaarachchi, News Writer

Dragon boating in Vancouver is a significant part of the city’s history, dating back to 1986. The first dragon boat races were held at Expo 86, a celebration of the 100th year of Vancouver’s official colonial formation via the Vancouver Incorporation Act of 1886. The popularity of dragon boating within Chinese communities and beyond at the Expo catapulted the formation of the Canadian International Dragon Boat Festival Society (CIDBFS), who host the annual Concord Pacific Dragon Boat Festival

This year, one historical event will take precedence over another, as the 38th annual Concord Pacific Dragon Boat Festival will be cancelled to make room for the FIFA World Cup games in Vancouver. However, a smaller event, the Concord Pacific Dragon Boat Summer Regatta, will be held on August 22.

The Concord Pacific Dragon Boat Festival is the largest festival of its kind in North America and typically takes place in June over the course of three days. The festival, which is considered “one of the world’s most prestigious [dragon boat] races,” hosted 250 local and international teams, with more than 6,000 dragon boaters competing in the 2024 races alone. The 2024 games reportedly drew an audience of 150,000 people from all over.

The FIFA World Cup, which will be held in Vancouver and 15 other North American cities from June 11 to July 19, requires strict security measures to host matches at BC Place. According to a CBC interview with Dominic Lai, Dragon Boat BC senior director, these security needs conflict with the dragon boat festival, which takes place directly across False Creek.

“When FIFA rolls into town, they have their own security and operational needs . . . there wasn’t really a way that they could fit us into the mix of things.”

— Dominic Lai, Dragon Boat BC senior director

The Peak corresponded with Vancouver’s ministry of tourism, arts, culture, and sport to learn more about this shift. 

“The Concord Pacific Dragon Boat Festival is an important annual event that highlights Vancouver’s natural beauty and cultural diversity. The province has been a strong supporter of the CIDBFS and its events for many years because of the important cultural, tourism, and economic benefits it generates. CIDBFS has received close to $1.8 million in funding from the province since 2018–19,” they shared. 

The dragon boat race’s cancellation is among a slew of historic public events that have faced issues in the city over the past couple of years. The Celebration of Light fireworks festival was cancelled this year, while the Vancouver Pride Parade was forced to downsize last year, both as a result of budget constraints.

Other dragon boat races have been affected, with FreshCo Richmond Dragon Boat Festival being postponed until early September from its usual August timeline in order to accommodate the substitute regatta race. 

The Concord Pacific event organizers emphasized that the relevant changes were a result of “collaborative discussions with public and private partners” and they hope the changes help to show “the best of BC communities, while welcoming participants from around the world.” 

Despite the downsizing of the event this year, the ministry expressed the desire for the festival to return “bigger and more vibrant than ever in 2027.” The minister of tourism, arts, culture and sport, Anne Kang, further added in a press release that “events like these exemplify the culture and spirit of British Columbia, and we are proud to support the organizers who make our communities vibrant and bring people together.”

 

WGOG: SFU furniture and my poor back

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A student wearing a red hoodie with a pained lower back while sitting on an uncomfortable plastic chair
ILLUSTRATION: Victoria Lo / The Peak

By: Corbett Gildersleve, Opinions Editor

I’m big, 440 lbs big, and I can’t comfortably sit in/on most SFU classroom chairs and furniture. Even during years where I was in better shape, I still had chronic back pain. Also, I’m old, like old old, as you might have read in my article about my zig-zag life. All of this contributes to my struggle to find a comfortable seat on campus. But SFU’s furniture choices don’t help.

In the fall term, due to a forced class swap, I had six hours of back-to-back seminars on Thursdays. Sitting for that long on the hard plastic and metal chairs caused me so much back and hip pain that it would take a few days of bed rest and medication to recover. It got to the point where I stopped going to class. My professors were understanding, but there was little they could do. 

Last term, it was a bit better with only one three-hour seminar a day. However, a lot of SFU’s commercial furniture doesn’t work for me. Either it’s too firm or there’s no back support, so it doesn’t take long before the pain starts. After spending an hour walking through different buildings in a solo game of musical chairs, I gave up and now head off campus after class. 

Even when I was in much better shape, I still found most of the furniture to be uncomfortable, it’s just worse now. It’s unfortunate that I can no longer stay and enjoy the campus I’ve studied and worked at for over a decade.

Indigenous Peoples shouldn’t be made to fight for their rights again and again

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Picture of an oil refinery or upgrader with metal piping, smoke or steam rising from exhaust towers, and chainlinked fencing around the perimeter.
PHOTO: Patrick Hendry / Unsplash

By: Corbett Gildersleve, Opinions Editor

The Alberta and BC governments have both experienced setbacks in court on cases brought by First Nations groups due to both government’s lack of seeking consultation with said groups. Each government’s response has been to amend or try to suspend laws or attempt to find a workaround. BC has learned its lesson to not do that due to public pushback from the First Nations Leadership Council, the BC Assembly of First Nations, and members within the New Democratic Party (NDP) caucus. I expect we’ll see the same in Alberta in a few months as their government tries to push forward a fall referendum to help Alberta separatists. When it comes to access and control of natural resources on Indigenous land, the BC and Alberta governments conveniently always forget their promises of reconciliation. Instead of following the lead of Indigenous Peoples, these governments would rather mess with laws to try and get their way. 

Alberta separatism grew in the 1980s during Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau’s second term when he passed the National Energy Program. This program impacted the province’s oil and gas sector, put price caps, new taxes, and supported resource exploration. Separatism shrank over the years as governments and programs changed, but oil and gas, and its exploitation, is part of Alberta’s heritage and culture.

The Alberta separatist group, Stay Free Alberta, independence referendum petition was shut down by Alberta’s Superior Court on May 13. The first version of this separation petition was ruled unconstitutional in a separate case with the judge stating Alberta’s Citizen Initiative Act, which regulates petitions, “did not give citizens the power to initiate a referendum on the question of independence from Canada. The Alberta government responded by changing the act allowing this group to try again. These changes lowered the amount of required signatures, removed the restriction that referendum questions cannot contravene parts of the Canadian constitution, and reduced the power of Alberta’s chief electoral officer.

The Namês Sâkahikan (Sturgeon Lake Cree Nation), the K’ai Tailé Denesųłiné (Athabasca Chipewyan First Nation), and the Siksikaitsitapi (Blackfoot Confederacy, which includes the Aamskapi Pikuni (Blackfeet Nation), the Apatosi Piikani (Peigan Nation), and the Siksika (Blackfoot Nation), and the Kainaiwa (Blood Tribe) sued. They argued successfully that Alberta independence would significantly impact their treaties — signed with the Crown before Alberta existed, and that the government had a constitutional duty to consult them. The judge agreed and stopped the petition from going forward. The Alberta government plans to appeal, and in the meantime will run a fall referendum asking Albertans to vote on if they want to hold a referendum on separation or stay in Canada. In all of this, the Alberta government has used its powers to support the separatist movement. 

December 5, the BC court of appeals affirmed that BC’s Declaration of the Rights of Indigenous Peoples Act (DRIPA) was legally enforceable on BC’s laws. This case was about the intersection of the federal government’s Declaration Act, DRIPA, Indigenous Peoples’ title rights, and BC’s Mineral Tenure Act which allows people to make mineral claims. The government has an automated online registry system that lets anyone stake a claim to mineral rights on Indigenous land without consultation. The first judge recognized that the 30-year old law was inconsistent with DRIPA and ruled that the government needed to update the system to allow for initial consultation. But, they declared that DRIPA was not legally enforceable. The Git Lax M’oon (Gitxaała Nation) and ʔiiḥatisatḥ činax̣int (Ehattesaht First Nation) appealed and won. 

On December 10, Premier David Eby reacted by telling the BC Chamber of Commerce, a group representing over 36,000 businesses in BC, he will amend DRIPA. The First Nations Leadership Council, the BC Assembly of First Nations, and even members of the NDP caucus were against the amendments. Eby changed his mind and instead decided to suspend parts of DRIPA for three years to give his government time to challenge the Court of Appeal’s decision. Eby even tried to make these changes a confidence vote, which if failed, would have caused new elections. By April 19, he would back down again and decided to work with First Nations on a joint approach to address the government’s concerns.

BC’s premier learned the hard way by not respecting Indigenous Peoples’ rights, instead trying to keep our colonialist status quo when a court ruling didn’t go his way.

Now we’ll see how Premier Danielle Smith in Alberta fairs over the next few months. Both failed to take consultation with affected Indigenous nations seriously and have tried to use their political power to sidestep working with these groups just to keep colonial exploitation over resources. Governments, stop messing with laws to get around your responsibilities and instead work with the Peoples who have existed here since time immemorial. 

Understanding the Rohingya genocide, heritage, and the path forward, from a Rohingya Canadian

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PHOTO: Courtesy of David Sala (headshot and RMCN directors)

By: Petra Chase, Features Editor

Content warning: mentions of sexual violence.

While the turn of 2026 triggered widespread 2016 nostalgia, this period was, rather, a harrowing reminder of genocide and ongoing struggle for the Rohingya community, the world’s largest stateless ethnic group. In late 2016, Myanmar’s national military began its intensified ethnic cleansing of the Indigenous Rohingya population, forcing nearly one million Rohingya into neighbouring Bangladesh. Today, many remain there, at the largest, most densely-populated refugee camp in the world. While humanitarian aid is unreliable, confined residents have developed informal economies to achieve basic needs, like food, shelter, and education. Many others seek status, livelihood, and belonging in other precarious environments around the globe. The smallest few have been able to resettle in other countries — there are around 1,000 in Canada.

But 2026 also rang in hope for a path towards justice. In January, Rohingya survivors testified at the International Criminal Court to convict Myanmar of genocide. Yasmin Ullah is a BC-based Rohingya human rights activist, poet, and author who served as part of the Rohingya representation. She’s been a crucial force in the case since it was filed in 2019. Results await. In the fall, The Peak had the privilege of meeting Ullah at a local coffee shop for an interview.

Introducing herself, she says the “artivist” label suits her well. “Part of it is rebuilding and preservation of culture, but the other side is expressing pain and agony of surviving a genocide and having to witness your people going through it.” 

In addition to poetry, Ullah has also published a children’s book. Hafsa and the Magical Ring tells the story of a young Rohingya girl living in a refugee camp in Bangladesh. Hafsa fondly recalls memories from her homeland, like her mom’s weaving of the region’s bountiful screw-pine into toys, baskets, and other items. Her mother tells Hafsa and her brother a Rohingya kyssa (folktale) passed down from ancestors, set in ancient Arakan. Located in Rakhine State in Myanmar, Arakan has a long, rich history of cultural exchange.

Ullah’s childhood has similarities with Hafsa’s. In 1995, at three years old, she fled from Arakan with her mother. “She decided to leave because she wanted my life to be different to hers,” Ullah says. She explains that the genocide has been ongoing since 1942. “The ‘90s were marked by many different waves of violence, and that displaced about 200,000.” 

For Ullah’s mother, the decision to leave was based on witnessing her society “regressing into protection mode.” Rohingyas were systematically stripped of citizenship in 1982, leading to apartheid conditions. The constant presence of military men meant “women were pushed further into homes because that was supposedly safer for them to not be seen or visible. But that was only riling up or enabling fuel for the genocidal campaign.” 

She continues, “[The military] wanted women to be kept as property, which was not the case pre-genocide for the Rohingya people.” Anti-Rohingya sentiments, especially peddled by Buddhist nationalist extremists, are largely fueled by racism and Islamophobia. “They have been able to mobilize the entire country against us because they have more resources, and they are able to pivot and position themselves as a protector against this ‘illegal alien outsider.’”

As a baby, Ullah was carried by her mother across waters and jungle, safe from threatening military men on a boat. They crossed into Northern Thailand where Ullah and her family lived for 16 years without status, constantly evading police. “Some countries don’t even have a language for refugees,” she says, especially in Southeast Asia. “They categorized us as illegal migrants.” Despite there being 150,000 refugees from Myanmar living along the Thai border, the idea of asylum isn’t often understood. Several ethnic groups indigenous to Myanmar have lived there in limbo for decades, evading armed conflict, basic human rights violations, and ethnic cleansing operations in their homelands. 

It was due to her parents’ sheer innovation that they were able to make a livelihood despite not having access to legal employment, Ullah was able to attend school, and she was sponsored to settle in BC in 2011. 

While intuitively Ullah always wanted to return home, she was initially reluctant to embrace her heritage. Growing up as a refugee, she learned to speak Thai and not acknowledge her Rohingya identity. “Being displaced over and over again has a variety of negative impacts on the psyche,” she explains. Genocidal narratives were another barrier, with leading Myanmar Buddhist scholars claiming the Rohingya, and other ethnic minorities, aren’t actually indigenous. “I can’t trace my ancestors to anywhere else. Am I a mushroom?” she laughs, describing having to encounter this disinformation repeatedly as an activist, now with steadfastness. “Myanmar actually has not existed before the Rohingya.”

Ullah recalls learning of the 2016–17 massacres and mass exodus in her own village as a turning point: “I remember breaking down and sobbing for, like, four days straight. I still had to go to work!” It hit her that if she wanted to return to her homeland, she had to take an active role in fighting the failures of the “international protection mechanism.” She got involved in advocacy; speaking with journalists, organizing protests, and joining the Rohingya Human Rights Network, where she was president for some time. In 2018, Canada declared Myanmar’s actions as genocide and announced thanks to their lobbying. Ullah was also involved in the US Holocaust Memorial Museum, which led to the US’ statement in 2021. 

Now, Ullah studies political science, works in a dental office, and is executive director of Rohingya Maìyafuìnor (Women) Collaborative Network, a Rohingya women-led human rights organization advocating for Rohingya refugees across the board — teaching Rohingya who they are, and where they’re from. Connected across the globe, they have raised funds to travel to Rohingya communities abroad, bringing humanitarian aid, political advocacy, empowerment, and community. The team continues to grow, enlisting younger generations of women who Ullah sees herself passing the baton to eventually. 

“There’s definitely a gap in the Rohingya community in terms of equal representation,” the most basic principle, says Ullah. She explains there is resistance within the community for women to take leadership roles, despite survivors of the 2017 crackdown being majority women and children. 

In the face of oppression, “the version of faith that [many Rohingya have turned to] is very hostile to women,” Ullah explains. She says that the increasing use of face coverings and burqas are not always forced onto women, but “reclaimed as a protection mechanism” so that they could participate in society and speak freely without being identified or targeted. Rohingya women used to wear decorative belt buckles and bangles. “That tells me women were visible, in ways that they could actually express themselves.” Grandmothers have also always had high status in communities, and are sought for consultation and knowledge keeping.

Ullah believes women need to be at the centre of the movement, to combat sexism and high rates of sexual violence. Trans women and other queer Rohingyas also “tend to be on the receiving end of the worst kind of treatments,” she emphasizes. 

“After 16 years of living as a refugee with no protection, being detained as a refugee child for having no legal status, I can now sip coffee and eat a cookie in peace after a long day of advocacy for other Rohingya children who have no one to protect them,” Ullah wrote in a recent social media video. While dehumanization campaigns against Rohingya persist online, the group uses the handle @rohingyawomencollaborative on Instagram and TikTok to combat disinformation and stereotypes, and spread awareness for the cause. And of course, immortalizing hate comments of online trolls — the account puts their comments on blast.

“Genocide does not end with massacre. It ends with a narrative — that a group of people is so unlovable, so much of a villain, that they need to be eradicated. And there are so many justifications that will help bring that narrative together, into a consciousness,” says Ullah. The same story that was used in Myanmar, demonizing a people as less worthy and hostile, “is being used in other parts of Southeast Asia, and India, and Bangladesh.” She notes that some of this stems from the frustration of not having enough funding and resources to support the Rohingya, especially in Bangladesh. However, the blame is misdirected. “When politicians need a political boogeyman, they point to Rohingya, and there comes a moral panic.”

Most recently, the Rohingya Women Collaborative flagged a petition in Malaysia asking the government to expel Rohingya refugees from the country, for supposedly taking jobs and causing crime. It received about 150,000 signatures in five days. “People do not understand that Rohingya are fleeing a real genocide. They would often compare us to Palestinians and say, ‘Palestinians stay and fight.’” Nevermind the thousands of Rohingyas who have been killed on ancestral land, where they are currently facing a targeted hunger crisis. Regardless, whether or not a refugee stays or flees, everyone deserves basic human rights. Xenophobic nationals refer to Rohingyas as “too demanding” for doing so. This is often after treacherous sea journeys from overcrowded camps and hope to eventually resettle legally elsewhere. 

She continues, “People often call the Rohingya out as people who don’t integrate. I want to tell them, ‘How do you think we’ve survived all this time?’” Most of the team speak one or two Southeast Asian languages, on top of the native language and English, evidence of how much harder they’ve had to work to survive. “I only speak three!” Ullah says, as if that’s a modest amount.

What keeps Ullah motivated most is the Rohingya sisterhood she’s built, and the “unbreakable human spirit” she sees in her community and people.

June 20 is World Refugee Day. Donate to help support food and education for Rohingya refugees at gofundme.com/f/emergency-relief-for-rohingya. Watch two short documentary videos of the Rohingya Women’s Collaborative on the YouTube channel Altsean Burma, including “Resisting Hate” and “The Journey of Love,” their trip to a refugee camp in Indonesia.

SFU’s ecofeminist exhibition: Earth Love: Intended Chiefly for Young Persons

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PHOTO: Courtesy of Salena Wiener

By: Maya Barillas Mohan, Staff Writer

On May 28, a curated tour and a literary exhibition opened up on the third floor of WAC Bennett Library. The Peak reached out to those responsible for a collaborative interview over email with associate professor at the School of Contemporary Arts, Denise Oleksijcuk, and PhD student Salena Wiener, to learn more about the tour and its related collection, Earth Love: Intended Chiefly for Young Persons

The two curators told us they “got along right away” because they are both avid readers. They’re also “drawn to writers that encourage us to imagine a future in which women form inclusive, heterogeneous, matriarchal societies that work together to heal the Earth and, in doing so, support all the living beings that depend on it for their survival.” Oleksijczuk has spent time researching in the Special Collections and Rare Books section at the library, and in turn encouraged her students to use the library for their own projects. Wiener also professed affection, having “encountered the library’s rare book collections and its excellent staff through work as a research assistant and [her own] doctoral research.”  

Earth Love “investigates botanical art and ideas in historical and contemporary art from a decolonial perspective,” through a collection of books and paintings, Oleksijczuk said.

The climate crisis has influenced gardening to shift away from the design of wealthy estate gardens toward smaller, more environmentally sustainable practices of cultivation.”

— Denise Oleksijcuk, curator of Earth Love

This could be seen at X̱wáýx̱way (Stanley Park), where educator and ethnobotanist, T’uy’t’tanat Cease Wyss’s garden aims to redevelop traditional Indigenous stewardship. Once, third grade children from wək̓ʷan̓əs tə syaqʷəm Elementary School in East Vancouver were taken on a field trip to paint in the open air, and then these works were then displayed alongside books by Jamaica Kincaid, Octavia Butler, and Robin Wall Kimmerer. Involving children in garden art seems to be done to encourage them to “use the knowledge that they gain from them to cultivate a closer relationship with the more-than-human beings with which we share the Earth,” the curators said. Wiener told me that her interests in women’s botanical literature “immediately gelled” with the opportunity for children to “experience nature in an embodied, educational way.”

“Contemporary life for children and adults is becoming increasingly divorced from the natural world,” the curators said. Recovering lost words from our disconnections from nature could be mediated by introducing books by Indigenous gardeners, “who use the names from their own languages of traditional native plants in their publications.” The books displayed were chosen for qualities like “resistance against the colonial project of homogenization (simplifying complex Indigenous identities into one umbrella classification), heteropatriarchy (the concentration of power in cisgender, heterosexual men), and environmental destruction.” Other works more simply describe the practice of gardening as a means of strengthening community bonds.

The curators told The Peak that within a desire for community, the project’s focus on women’s writing and visual art helps “shed light on the depth and breadth of their knowledge of plants as they relate to connectedness to the land.” A goal of Earth Love is to “cultivate a closer relationship with the more-than-human-beings with which we share the Earth.” Committing oneself to part of a “larger environmentalist movement” evokes community. The exhibit exemplifies its name: “an anti-nationalist concept of humans as Earthlings, who work together to protect the planet from destruction.”

Book Nook: Independent West Africa: tradition, modernization, and identity in a post-colonial Africa

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A collage of the book covers of the works listed in the article
IMAGES: Courtesy of Penguin Random House (No Longer at Ease), Longman Pub Group (Scarlet Song), and Seuil (Les soleils des indépendances)

By: Jonah Lazar, Staff Writer

In West Africa in the 1960s, the literary scene in the newly independent nations stretching from Senegal to Nigeria was booming. Writers such as Chinua Achebe, Wole Soyinka, and Léopold Sédar Senghor defined not just the literary landscape of the time, but also spearheaded mass political dialogue. Through political and literary movements such as négritude, which aims to celebrate and reclaim pride in identifying as African, these authors became vital to constructing post-colonial theory within West Africa. This list will celebrate a few of the defining works within this incredible literary niche. 

The Suns of Independence by Amadou Kourouma 

This novel takes place in the newly independent Ivory Coast, and tells the story of Fama, a descendant of the former fictional royal family. However, in the years following independence, Fama’s royal blood has lost all meaning, leaving him with no authority to govern his struggling, poverty-ridden community. Struggling to adapt to the changing landscape around him, Fama dreams of pre-colonial times, when his royal status would have allowed him to govern the fictional province of Horodougou, his ancestral lands. This book offers a sharp insight into the evolving national identity and unstable political landscape of 1960s Ivory Coast, and a telling critique of the way in which monarchic figures in the country fell out of touch with the evolving times.  

No Longer at Ease by Chinua Achebe

No Longer at Ease concludes Nigerian writer Chinua Achebe’s famed African trilogy, which follows the evolution of Nigeria throughout the colonial experience, from first contact with European colonizers to independence. This novel is about Obi Okonkwo, a Nigerian man educated in Britain, returning to his homeland for a position in the British colonial government in Nigeria at the twilight of British colonial rule. The idealist Okonkwo quickly finds himself amid the rampant corruption within the government’s ranks, forced to choose between the easy money of bribes and his morality, in a telling critique of British Nigeria’s corrupt governmental system in the middle of the 20th century.

Scarlet Song by Mariama Bâ

Scarlet Song by Senegalese author Mariama Bâ was written in 1981, about two decades after most of the others in this list, however it offers a gripping critique of the négritude movement itself. This novel takes place in the years following Senegal’s independence from French colonialism, and it follows the love story between a working-class Senegalese student, Ousmane, and a daughter of French diplomats, Mireille. In this book, Bâ explores the nuances of patriarchy and the stigma around interracial marriage in Senegal. Can their love surmount the community’s pressures on the intelligent and enigmatic Ousmane, who is viewed as abandoning his people? Will Mireille’s rich, French family forbid the union of their daughter with a Senegalese man? 

Kongi’s Harvest by Wole Soyinka

Kongi’s Harvest is a play adapted to film, starring Soyinka as the titular character Kongi. While it is not a book, this film perfectly satirizes the friction between traditional leaders and post-independence dictators, and is an excellent starting point for those wishing to understand the essence of the post-independence struggle of West Africa. Kongi’s Harvest follows the political maneuvering and the struggle for power between Kongi, the dictator of fictional African country Isma, and King Daodu, the traditional leader of the nation. This culminates into a dilemma of which of the two leaders will eat the ceremonial yam at the first harvest of the year — the modernizing dictator or the traditional king, thus representing Africa’s familiar post-independence struggle between Westernization or returning to cultural heritage.

Political reads: The Last Honest Man by James Risen

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IMAGE: Courtesy of Little, Brown and Company

By: Tomos Land, Staff Writer

Pulitzer prize-winning journalist James Risen captures the consequential life of Senator Frank Church in his aptly-titled book: The Last Honest Man: The CIA, the FBI, the Mafia and the Kennedys — and One Senator’s Fight to Save Democracy. Church, who served four terms in US Congress between 1956 and 1981, representing his hometown Idaho, was at the forefront of congressional oversight committees probing US foreign interference overseas. Risen details Church’s political career, including the precarious balancing act required to maintain the support of his base in Idaho while pushing progressive policies in Washington and his ultimately unsuccessful presidential ambitions. The book also explores in-depth the fundamental role his wife Bethine Church, the daughter of an Idaho Democratic Governor, played in his political rise. This biography demonstrates the extent to which changing the status quo is possible from within the establishment, something that is becoming increasingly more difficult around the world as waves of populist politics are on the rise.

After winning his seat following a hard-fought primary and an equally taxing senate election in 1956, Church was taken under the wing by future President Lyndon B. Johnson, who at the time served as the Democratic majority leader. Risen explains that after a frosty start to their relationship, it was Johnson who placed Church on the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, a role the Idahoan would go on to relish and use to make his name. After working steadily through his first and second terms, Church gained national prominence through his opposition to the Vietnam War and became one of its most high-profile critics during his third term. This, despite his earlier work on the Foreign Relations Committee, was when his star began to shine brightly on the national stage as a figurehead of the anti-war and anti-imperialism movement within the US government. 

Risen describes Church’s ascendance as not without its struggles, with the maintenance of his home base support in Idaho a key consideration in many of the public positions he took. On issues including the Vietnam War, Church relied on his extraordinary oratory skills, combined with his considerable intellect, to make watertight arguments that ran contrary to the views held by a substantial number of his conservative-leaning constituents. As the remnants of McCarthyism (anti-communist fear-mongering in the ‘40s and ‘50s) gave way to more skepticism of America’s foreign interventions, Church seized on this momentum to chair an investigation into the extra-judicial activities of the FBI and CIA around the world, known as the Church Committee. 

Uncovering substantial abuses of power by the US government and its intelligence agencies around the world, including instances of bribery, coercion and assasination, the Church Committee was instrumental in the creation of the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act of 1978 and intensifying scrutiny and oversight of intelligence operations. The book, which underlines the importance of checks and balances in modern governance, serves as a reminder that even democratic countries rely on the hard work of dedicated and diligent public servants to hold their government accountable.

Without the integrity of office holders such as Church, executive power goes unchecked, a painful example being the current destruction and destitution brought about by the current Trump administration

Overall, this book is a must read for anyone with an interest in US foreign policy in particular, but also American domestic politics, or anyone simply interested in the importance of accountability in governments. To a more or less extent, the book’s lessons also apply to those seeking to find answers for why even governments in Canada — from the federal government to BC’s own NDP — fail to remain accountable to their responsibilities. Such instances include the current Liberal government’s betrayal of its environmental pledges, and heavy investment into resource extraction initiatives, and the BC NDP’s lack of progress on affordable childcare programs. To this end, I find the book massively underrated and think it’s worthwhile.