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Three films that challenge our perception of war

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This is a collage of the three movies featured
IMAGES: Courtesy of 1) Belarusfilm and Mosfilm; 2) Hawk Films; 3) Mosfilm

By: Yildiz Subuk, Staff Writer 

Come and See (1985)

Elem Klimov’s film tells the story of a boy named Flyora living in what is now Belarus. Located in a small village, the boy discovers a rifle which propels his eagerness to join his town’s resistance group, with a burning desire to fight against Nazi occupation. What follows, however, is Flyora’s immediate subjugation to the horrifying magnitude of war, fighting against an army with heavier firepower and brutality than his own. 

Come and See is not just visceral in its depiction of war, but the argument the film presents leaves no room to debate the morality of war. To Klimov, war is not just traumatizing but completely pointless. There is no valour, honour, or patriotism when every aspect of Flyora is broken. He loses his humanity as a child, not even given the chance to properly explore any emotion outside of hatred and fear. 

The film’s colour and atmosphere are dreamlike, yet each sequence feels inescapably real. It is almost as if the dream is deteriorating as the film moves forward. Come and See frames war as the decay of the human soul, its horror rooted in futility.

Dr. Strangelove Or: How I Learned to Stop Worrying and Love the Bomb (1964)

A group of insecure men sit in a war room, discussing the necessity of dropping an atomic bomb on the Soviet Union, possibly triggering mutually assured destruction. Stanley Kubrick’s satire captures how the idiocracy of men can quite literally destroy the world. 

Set during the height of the Cold War, the film focuses more on discourse between characters than combat. The entire threat of nuclear annihilation can be traced to General Jack D. Ripper’s inability to accept that his inability to sexually satisfy his partners comes from his old age, as he blames the Soviets for poisoning the water, destroying everyday American life. This hilarious yet infuriating reasoning captures the essence of Dr. Strangelove. It is a deconstruction of the link between masculinity and destruction. War generals who aggressively remind each other of their powers, who treat the threat of mutually assured destruction as a game, are in charge of an entire world’s existence. 

In today’s political climate, Kubrick’s film feels less like an exaggerated joke and more like a prophecy. As tensions of nuclear annihilation arise once again, Dr. Strangelove exemplifies that the real threat to our very existence are petty, insecure men detached from society, ready to press the big red button — because they can.

Ivan’s Childhood (1962)

Director Andrei Tarkovsky’s work is best described as visual poetry, like watching a painting move, layers appearing bit by bit. Ivan’s Childhood tells the story of a young, nimble, and orphaned boy, living amidst the Nazi invasion of the Soviet Union, as he works as a scout, spying and gathering information for resistance groups

The film’s imagery is what carries the story. The dialogue and action is minimal, as Tarkovsky lets the landscapes, and the framing of his characters within it tell the story. Ivan’s Childhood is a film that requires the viewer’s attention, and patience. Some of the most heartbreaking moments, like a soldier holding a girl over a small ditch as they laugh before an invasion, or Ivan discovering the building where his parents died, are conveyed through simple imagery, taking place in silence, or in a way where only the sounds of nature are heard, while dialogue is absent. 

Through slowly engulfing the audience in the story, the film explores grief, and Ivan’s heartbreaking attempts to cope with the loss of his parents, disguised in the image of a young soldier. The film is a haunting visual masterpiece that parallels the beauty of nature and humanity with the backdrop of loss and violence.

Canada should prioritize domestic needs over NATO spending

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An illustration of Prime Minister Mark Carney in hues of pink and red. He has a maple leaf lapel pin on his blazer.
ILLUSTRATION: Jill Baccay / The Peak

By: Phone Min Thant, Arts & Culture Editor

On June 25, fresh from the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) Summit, Prime Minister Mark Carney announced that Canada would fulfill its commitments to the alliance’s new defence budget of 5% of annual national GDP by 2035. This was more than double the increase from the previous commitment of 2%, a target set in 2014. Canada’s defence spending has since reached 1.45%, and is expected to increase. Carney commented that the increased spending will be allocated to acquiring new equipment, diversifying Canada’s alliances, and improving pay for Canadian soldiers. Remarks by Carney and his foreign affairs minister, Anita Anand, reveal a vague yet determined drive towards an increasingly militarized Canada

While the government frames this as a necessary commitment to global security, the proposed defence spending comes at a staggering cost. Such an enormous financial commitment could limit future investment in urgent domestic needs. Instead of dedicating $150 billion annually to militarization, the federal government should invest in programs that directly improve people’s lives, including housing, healthcare, food security, and education.

Carney has already hinted that defence spending will come at the expense of government funds from other sectors of Canadian society, a view confirmed by the parliamentary budget officer. It was also speculated that it would result in tax hikes or more government debt. With the Canadian military’s financial management historically having a lot of room for improvement, these costs are only anticipated to spiral upwards. Carney also said that Canada will partially fund these costs through increased mining of minerals and development of infrastructure like ports. While no official defence policy has been published, minister Anand said her main concern is not the possibility of the spending hike but rather the timeline. 

Even ignoring the huge amount of environmental degradation and social costs associated with more mineral mining in Canada, an ironic betrayal of the Liberal party’s empty environmental promises, the new defence spending remains problematic. Canadian leaders should think twice before committing the country to spending money on defence when numerous social and economic challenges sadly remain unsolved. 

It is time for the government to realize that instead of funding massive and unnecessary militarization, they should choose to invest in the people.

The Canadian government can invest in initiatives that impact communities inside the country. For instance, just by extrapolating data from a BC government social housing initiative in Surrey, an affordable apartment complex around $500,000 ea — a direct reallocation of the annual defence funds to such projects could create over 300,000 such housing units across the country, notwithstanding the numerous divergences in costs across different regions. Even if it does not completely resolve the housing crisis in Canada, it will prove to be of great help to houseless communities, with amplified impacts on the economy.

Talking about the economy, the average yearly grocery costs of a family of four in Canada in 2025 is around $17,000. If redirected, the defence funds could subsidize grocery costs for over 88 million families of four for an entire year. This alone can help address Canada’s record-high levels (22.9% of all Canadian households) of household food insecurity today. 

Let’s say the same money is invested in healthcare — attempting to solve Canada’s physician shortages, for instance — the same billions of dollars can fund the recruitment payments of over 10 million urban physicians and more than 4.9 million physicians in rural areas. While these numbers may seem unrealistic, given that Canada only has around 96,000 doctors across the country, a better recruitment budget can mitigate the physician shortage issue. Those funds can, instead, go towards education services, training and incentivization supporting future doctors. 

The list doesn’t stop there — the costs of defence could be channelled towards mitigating many more social issues in the country: shortages of teaching staff and social workers; gaps in emergency services; unemployment benefits; education initiatives, and many more. In every case, this investment would strengthen the well-being and security of individuals — not just the state.

It is time for the government to realize that instead of funding massive and unnecessary militarization, they should choose to invest in the people.

Embark Sustainability hosts “Language as Nourishment” community kitchen

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This is an absolutely mouthwatering photo of an Indian taco inside a styrofoam container.
PHOTO: Public domain / Picryl

By: Corbett Gildersleve, News Writer

On June 25, Embark Sustainability held a community kitchen event titled “Language as Nourishment.” This event, hosted in the Student Union Building’s community kitchen, was led by Kil Daagwiiya Hooper, an undergraduate student studying political science and Indigenous studies, James Houle, a graduate student in Mathematics, and Marie Haddad, director of engagement at Embark. 

Hooper and Houle are leaders from the First Nations, Métis, and Inuit Student Association. They spoke to the importance of maintaining and revitalizing Indigenous languages as they led the group in making Indian tacos and jum. The Peak attended the event to learn more about the “deep ties between Indigenous languages, food justice, and culture.”

Hooper said there are 12 Indigenous language families in Canada and 36 First Nations languages in BC. However, a number of these languages are endangered due to the impacts of settler colonialism and residential schools. According to Statistics Canada, “First Nations adults aged 65 and older (54.6%) were four times more likely to speak an Indigenous language than children aged 14 and younger (13.7%).” 

These foods “bring the feeling of community — Indian Tacos, as they’re a widely shared comfort food for Indigenous people, and Jum, as it’s a food that she grew up having regularly at home on Haida Gwaii.” — Kil Daagwiiya Hooper, undergraduate in political science and Indigenous studies, FNMISA leader

The number of Indigenous Peoples who learned their language at home as a child has declined by 7.1% from 2016. Hooper told The Peak, “While many Indigenous people want to learn their language, there typically isn’t enough support in place to learn it past basic words/phrases.” She advocated for “more funding provided to language organizations so that they’re able to reduce barriers for language learners.” Current revitalization efforts in BC include the Mentor-Apprentice program, a one-on-one program where First Nations Peoples are paired with a fluent speaker, and the Language Nest program, an early childhood Indigenous language program.  

Hooper and Houle introduced the food the group would make for the evening. Indian Tacos are seasoned meat served on frybread or bannock, while jum is a halibut stew with potatoes, sliced onions and seasoning. They added that depending on which Indigenous community someone is part of, bannock and fry bread could be viewed as the same or distinct. While some view fry bread as fried and bannock as baked, bannock could also be both fried and baked, making for a similar type of bread.

Hooper told The Peak she chose these foods because they “bring the feeling of community — Indian tacos, as they’re a widely shared comfort food for Indigenous people, and jum, as it’s a food that she grew up having regularly at home on Haida Gwaii.” She added that the event is named “Language as Nourishment” as there is an “importance that Indigenous languages have, nourishing our spirit. Similarly, Indian Tacos and um give that same nourishing feeling.”

Research Roundup: SFU joins ARTIC-2 and Dr. Amy Parent named UNESCO co-chair for Indigenous rights

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This is a photo of the academic quadrangle and pond on the SFU Burnaby campus on a sunny day.
PHOTO: Kriti Monga / The Peak

By: Corbett Gildersleve, News Writer

SFU researchers collaborate with international group to better track infectious diseases 

In May, an SFU team joined the ARTIC-2 project, a collaboration between the University of Birmingham, UK, and researchers in Kenya, Ghana, and the Republic of Congo, to develop low-cost genome sequencing procedures and equipment, and expand their use. Dr. Caroline Colijn, professor in the department of mathematics and Canada 150 research chair, is co-leading part of the project. Colijn told SFU News, “Genome sequencing was with us from the start of the pandemic, and it helped to inform public health policies and decisions as new variants were discovered.” 

The benefits of this project would allow laboratories and researchers to more easily sequence viruses and bacteria to track how they change and evolve. This can better inform public health officials and potentially spot outbreaks sooner. With low-cost equipment, this technique is more affordable for countries in the Global South, helping them respond to outbreaks more quickly. 

Dr. Amy Parent named UNESCO co-chair 

Dr. Amy Parent (Sigidimnak Nox̱s Ts’aawit) has been named UNESCO co-chair for transforming Indigenous knowledge research governance and rematriation. Parent is an associate professor in the faculty of education and inaugural associate director at the Cassidy Centre for Educational Justice — a research centre “to advance justice and an equitable, democratic society through education.” She is also Canada’s Research Chair (Tier II) in Indigenous governance and education.

The second UNESCO co-chair is Dr. Sonajharia Minz of the Oraon Tribal Peoples in New Delhi, India. According to SFU’s announcement, Indigenous knowledge research governance refers to the “self-determined, Indigenous-led processes, policies, and structures that guide and oversee research involving Indigenous Peoples, including rights, knowledges, languages, and lands.”

“We are committed to bringing forward the strength of our Nations and the integrity of our knowledge systems into spaces and places where they have long been excluded.” — Dr. Amy Parent, UNESCO co-chair, transforming Indigenous knowledge research governance and rematriation

Parent told SFU News, “Dr. Sonajharia Minz and I carry this joint appointment not only with deep honour, but with a profound sense of responsibility — to our Nations, our ancestors, and the generations to come. We are committed to bringing forward the strength of our Nations and the integrity of our knowledge systems into spaces and places where they have long been excluded.” 

New brain imaging technique aims to better understand Parkinson’s Disease drugs

A new study was published in the journal Movement Disorders on April 18 by Dr. Alex Wiesman, along with five others from the Karolinska Institute, Sweden. Wiesman is an assistant professor in the department of biomedical physiology and kinesiology as well as Canada’s Research Chair (II) in neurophysiology of aging and neurodegeneration. This study reviewed brain scans of Parkinson’s Disease patients who take dopamine replacement therapy drugs such as Levodopa to see why the treatment was less effective for them. 

Using magnetoencephalography technology to measure electric brain signals, the researchers tracked in real time how the drug affected their brain signals. Dr. Wiesman told SFU News he believes this new approach to brain imaging could help tailor a patient’s treatment by identifying how they uniquely respond to these medications. The study also concludes this approach “may be useful for data-driven contextualization of medication effects on cortical neurophysiology in future research and clinical applications.”

AI has changed the job market and its rules

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job seeker with laptop sitting at a desk with AI reaper behind him
ILLUSTRATION: Yan Ting Leung / The Peak

By: Daniel Salcedo Rubio, Features Editor

I recently graduated from a master’s program at SFU. I’ve been casually swiping through positions on LinkedIn for a while now, not really looking for a serious commitment. This wasn’t my first time entering the job market. When I finished my undergraduate degree, I was in a similar position; however, back then, I was far more anxious and desperate to find the one.

I’m familiar with the dreadful hunt for a job. The tricks one has to do to get over HR’s screening bot, the tips to approach hiring managers through LinkedIn, the interview prep, and deciding the interview outfit the night before, all equally soaked in anxiety. This time, I felt far more at ease, having an advanced degree and a couple of years of industry experience, I felt safe. I was no longer the same man entering the waters of the job market from years ago — but as the saying goes, the job market didn’t remain the same river either. While a lot felt familiar,  a new factor had been creeping around for a while. Artificial intelligence was now shifting the waters. From the general fear of AI replacing human workers to interviews entirely conducted by an AI agent, I quickly realized just how unfamiliar certain things could become.

Let’s start with the obvious: AI will be replacing human workers, to some degree. I’m not trying to sound negative or ominous. I believe there’s a lot of work that AI will be more efficient at performing, like repetitive tasks in data entry. However, I also think that in the transition to finding the right position for AI to take in the workforce, a lot of us will be negatively affected. For example, Bloomberg Intelligence estimated 200,000 jobs in Wall Street banks will be lost in the next three to five years due to AI adoption, and about 92 million roles could disappear by 2030, according to a Future of Jobs report. Entry-level positions, which already have ridiculous qualification expectations, will be significantly harder as AI is expected to overtake most entry-level work

“Policymakers, companies, and developers need to ensure these technologies are implemented ethically — and more importantly, humanely.”

Data entry, customer service, and administrative jobs are already being replaced with AI chatbots, and positions in paralegal work, advertising, and graphic design, to name a few, will all likely be disrupted and to some extent automated by AI in the near future. In human resources, screening bots scan your documents, search for keywords, and either pass you to the next step or reject you within minutes of submitting your application. However, that report also estimates a net gain of 78 million new job opportunities. Service jobs, software and cybersecurity, farmers and related trade workers, project and operations managers, jobs in education, among others, are expected to grow by 2030. Not all is bleak; it’s just more and more complicated. As it’s always been the case, one has to remain up to date with emerging technologies, but AI’s fast development and improvements make it increasingly difficult to predict and adapt to the shifts it’s making. There are likely people right now studying and preparing for jobs that will no longer exist by the time they graduate. 

In some way, I had this as a mindset during my job hunt. I’ve been working as an editor for The Peak for about three years now, following a similar path alongside my science degree. I had considered a career in scientific writing — perhaps still am, just far more cautious and less hopeful. I can’t deny the capabilities of the language learning models in use today. I don’t believe that what I, or anyone else, is capable of doing is actually replaceable. For example, I don’t think AI can be as good a writer as I am. However, it can do it far faster and far cheaper than I do. It’s disheartening to scroll through job opening after job opening for some form of artificial intelligence trainer, fine-tune responses, or prompt developer — it felt like my only options were to train my replacement or apply to positions soon to be replaced. It’s hard to predict the changes AI will bring to the job market. Just six years ago, when I first started working, ChatGPT didn’t even exist yet, and now it’s getting university degrees. Even human resources aren’t safe of being replaced by artificial intelligence — AI is now also replacing interviewers. AI recruiters like Alex, have recently emerged, providing a fully automated interview process — ironic right? Human resources being replaced by AI. Not only have the waters changed, but the rate at which they change has increased as well.

Perhaps it’s just the cycle of life and I’m just starting my how-do-I-open-this-pdf-boomerera. I do see the benefits of incorporating AI into the job hunt. For example, on principle, that same recruiting AI bot Alex should be able to interview thousands of applicants for a position, something no single human would be able to feasibly do by themselves. Imagine a world where you’re guaranteed an interview and assessment of your abilities rather than being just one more electronic email from the digital pile. However, that world isn’t yet here and instead we have to navigate through AI recruiters glitching out and AI systems that just replicate the same biases they promised to eliminate. Right now, it seems as if we’re starting the very unpleasant transition into widespread incorporation of AI into different areas of the job market.

I sincerely hope AI brings change for the better, but I also hope those building these tools and those adopting them into their workforce will think about those dipping their toes for the first time. AI will continue to shape the currents of the workforce, and the job market, but the onus shouldn’t entirely be on the job seekers to keep adapting. Policymakers, companies, and developers need to ensure these technologies are implemented ethically and more importantly, humanely. That means transparent practices on data use and training sources, auditing and mitigating biases, and ensuring humans remain involved — AI should be a tool to support us rather than a replacement of us.

Despair and devotion: a review of Fairy Creek

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This is an illustration of the Fairy Creek protests showing protestors standing face to face against the police
ILLUSTRATION: Yan Ting Leung / The Peak

By: Ashima Shukla, Staff Writer

The year is 2025, and the world is in chaos: marked by economic instability, growing authoritarianism, ecological collapse, and an ongoing global erosion of human rights. In this moment, Fairy Creek arrives not just as a documentary but as an urgent cultural intervention and a powerful reminder that resistance is still alive. Like water seeping through stone, it moves steadily. Shaping. Persisting. Refusing to disappear. 

Directed by Jen Muranetz, this powerful film tells the story of Ada’itsx (Fairy Creek valley), one of the last remaining old-growth forests on Vancouver Island. In what became the largest act of civil disobedience in Canadian history, activists, land defenders, and community members came together to set up blockades on Pacheedaht First Nation territory against logging operations by the Teal-Jones lumber corporation. Nearly 1,200 demonstrators were forcefully detained by the RCMP until the Supreme Court eventually rejected an extension on further legal action taken against the protestors, and old-growth logging was deferred for two years

This film breathes with the spirit of the land and the people protecting it, and Muranetz offers a meditation on complexity, contradiction, and care. Opening with aerial shots of the forest, it invites viewers in, as light gently sifts through the ancient branches and birds chirp in distant conversation. There is something reverent in the cinematography; it speaks to our souls. But then, a rupture. The piercing growl of machinery disrupts the stillness, and we become witness to grief unfolding in real time. 

Among its many strengths, what I find most admirable is its commitment to complexity. It doesn’t flatten this resistance into a binary of heroes and villains. Instead, we are invited into its complicated and sometimes contradictory emotional terrain. We see people in all their multitudes: angry, exhausted, crying, building barricades, making tea. There is rage but also laughter, vulnerability, and moments of surprising tenderness. This, the film reminds us, is the texture of real movements: messy, tender, full of both hope and heartbreak. 

Yet there is also a kind of reverence for what cannot be saved but must still be honoured. In one unforgettable scene, the forest becomes the central voice. As the injunction is passed and protestors are removed, we see a tree being cut. Then another. Then another. And another. We wait for the silence, but it doesn’t come. Instead, we hear and watch a world unravel. And in that act of witness, we partake in a world remembering itself. With each fallen tree, the tension rises, becoming unbearable. In these moments, the film becomes a form of mourning. It claims our presence, and we know we cannot leave untouched. 

Admittedly, the film doesn’t unpack the full weight of the political and economic forces that enable logging in these territories. But it doesn’t need to. Its purpose isn’t to explain everything, but to offer an emotional and ethical intervention. In a world where information overload often numbs us, Fairy Creek reaches out to our feelings, and sows seeds of solidarity. 

These glimpses from the film remind us that resistance is not only a political act, but a deeply human one. When movements are too busy mobilizing to archive themselves, films like Fairy Creek fill the gap: preserving memory and shaping possibilities for better futures.

To me, this film is a love letter. To the land and all who came together to protect it. To the quiet but determined hope that a better world is still possible if we collectively work for it. Yes, it’s about saving old-growth trees but it’s also about saving our capacity to care. Even though the battle at Ada’itsx continues, what this film leaves us with is not despair. It is devotion. A call to protect what remains. To mourn what is gone, but at the same time, to embrace our capacity for awe, persistence, and solidarity. Fairy Creek is the type of film that doesn’t offer closure. It asks long-lasting questions. And becomes a lifelong companion.

Vancouver Tenants Union discusses disability justice

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This is a photo of a bunch of folks gathered around smiling for the camera with a sign behind them that says “Defend Tenants / Stop Broadway Eviction.”
PHOTO: Brandon Jacoby / Unsplash

By: Lucaiah Smith-Miodownik, News Writer

On the final Saturday of last month, the Vancouver Tenants Union (VTU) hosted their June general meeting. With over 2,500 members, the group advocates and organizes for “rent control, meaningful eviction protections, more affordable housing,” and “better incomes for all.” These gatherings are designed for members to “learn, strategize, and discuss what impacts tenants in the city.” The June meeting focused specifically on disability justice and accessibility, with a variety of topics discussed and motions voted on. Masks were mandatory, and the VTU also provided the option to attend online. The Peak attended the meeting for more information.

The VTU describes disability justice as “a political framework developed in 2009 in the US by queer disabled people, largely women of colour.” They explain how “it was thought of and articulated to address the overwhelming whiteness of the existing disability rights movement, and to challenge the very idea of rights-based organizing,” and instead, focus on “justice-based organizing.” The VTU describes rights as “what people in power can give you” in the form of laws, while justice is “what can’t be taken away — values, identity, defined allies, access.” 

After a land acknowledgement and small group discussion on experiences in the union, the meeting turned to a series of motions to be voted on in pursuit of greater accessibility. The first was a statement of solidarity in support of the Migrant Rights Network. The VTU voted yes to endorse “the joint group statement written by Migrant Rights Network calling for the withdrawal of Bill C-2.” Notably, this bill would make the acquisition of refugee status more difficult for those seeking it in Canada.

“Disability justice is inseparable from housing justice, as disabled folks are disproportionately impacted by the housing crisis, particularly those living at the intersection of other marginalized identities.” — Vancouver Tenants Union

Next, the VTU voted yes to join the steering committee of the National Tenant Organizing Fund, “a new national fund that supports tenant organizing across Canada.” Specifically, the steering committee “makes decisions about how the money is shared between unions.” The motion passed with the option to part ways if the VTU deemed the endeavour to be at odds with the organization’s values at any point.

The final proposal, titled “Motion to Adopt Accessibility Standards for the VTU,” aimed to make the union open and approachable for all. The broad focus was to honour that “disability justice is inseparable from housing justice, as disabled folks are disproportionately impacted by the housing crisis, particularly those living at the intersection of other marginalized identities who face compounded barriers in accessing housing that meets their needs.” The motion incurred several edits, including an amendment to one point and a removal of two others, before passing. Ultimately, the amendment stated that the group “will continue to develop an Accessibility and Disability Justice Standards and mandate.”

For more information or to join your local VTU chapter, visit vancouvertenantsunion.ca

SFPIRG’s Organizer School builds grassroots power through political education

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This is a shot of a row of people’s laps. Several people are holding a notebook and taking notes, while one person in the back is holding their phone.
PHOTO: The Climate Reality Project / Unsplash

By: Ashima Shukla, Staff Writer

Simon Fraser Public Interest Research Group (SFPIRG) is currently hosting Organizer School, a 10-week political education program that focuses “on the theory and practice of political organizing and mass movement building.” The program takes place weekly at the SFPIRG lounge and is open to all participants regardless of prior experience with organizing. 

SFPIRG’s “mission is to engage students and community in social and environmental justice.” Their Organizer School is designed as a participatory alternative to political education, inspired by Mass Movement and Struggle School from United in Struggle and Embark Sustainability’s Organizer Bootcamp. In an interview with The Peak, facilitators Hannah Ghaderi and Noëll Cousins said the program aims to address what they see as a gap in political education available to students and community members. “SFU really underserves its students in the kind of education it provides,” Cousins explained. “It’s very disconnected from people’s concrete problems and their real experiences.” 

In response to SFU’s institutional structure, the Organizer School prioritizes group discussions, reflection, and the exchange of lived experiences. Its content and format emerged from extensive syllabus development, “starting with how to really study the society and how to look at it scientifically, and then going from there, and thinking of all these texts that can help us navigate that.” 

Early sessions examine topics such as dialectical materialism and the roots of oppression, while later sessions focus on developing organizing strategies, movement building, and leadership. The curriculum draws on a wide range of historical and contemporary thinkers, including Karl Marx, Vladimir Lenin, the Combahee River Collective, and Paulo Freire. In choosing these materials, Ghaderi and Cousins intentionally included texts presenting differing or even conflicting perspectives. “Something that’s really important to us is to not censor or delete some parts of the conversation just for the sake of them fitting together,” Ghaderi said. “They’re like debates in a specific way, and that’s instructive,” Cousins added.

The program also includes practical activities to help participants apply theoretical concepts. One session involved a mock trial centred on Galileo’s historical conflict with the Catholic Church. The trial was used as a way to introduce class analysis and examine power dynamics. “It showed how attuned they are,” Ghaderi said, noting how participants were able to identify the murderer within the time limit set. 

Cousins shared that this emphasis on participation is partly inspired by Theatre of the Oppressed. Developed by Augusto Boal, this approach positions participatory theatre as a means of revolution, confronting injustice through role-play and collective problem-solving. Cousins noted how it’s a “safe and fun and playful” space to practice how to give speeches and criticism.

“There’s a little revolutionary living in all of us.” — Noëll Cousins, Organizer School facilitator

Organizer School is also shaped by a pedagogical stance: the facilitators reject the idea of expertise as a prerequisite and encourage collective learning that is accessible to all. One of their community agreements is “nobody knows everything, but together we know a lot.” 

The facilitators highlighted “an openness to learn new ideas and a desire to win, be victorious,” Cousins added. The facilitators also noted how the program is designed to be flexible, allowing the participants to engage even if they cannot complete all the assigned readings. 

Ghaderi, who taught for 10 years in Iran before immigrating to Canada, said this approach is rooted in creating space for participants to contribute their own knowledge and experiences. The Peak attended a session on June 23, where participants collaboratively analyzed mock data to establish the mass line

Looking ahead, Ghaderi and Cousins envision participants becoming facilitators themselves. Their long-term goal is to build a network of organizers who can carry the work forward. As Cousins said, “There’s a little revolutionary living in all of us.” 

Ghaderi further reflected, “We’re open to holding that space for each other — no matter what, no matter about what topic.” This care for others, she emphasized, is also political work. 

Organizer School is expected to run every semester. The current cohort meets Mondays from 6:00–9:00 p.m., with the final session scheduled for July 21. Applications for future semesters are accepted through SFPIRG.

Hot takes are killing our capacity to think

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An illustration of a person standing on a stage with a microphone in hand. Four arms reach out to grab the microphone from them.
ILLUSTRATION: Victoria Lo / The Peak

By: Ashima Shukla, Staff Writer and Zainab Salam, Opinions Editor

There is a genre of content that only grows louder with time: a viral clip where someone argues against abortion, climate change, or immigration issues — with the knowledge of a poorly summarized Wikipedia page and unearned confidence. The audience laughs, groans, or aggressively types a rebuttal, but many click. In a media ecosystem designed to reward attention over thoughtfulness, we risk trading depth for reaction. The result is a culture where complexity becomes inconvenient, misinformation thrives, and our capacity for accountable thinking erodes. We need to resist the logic of virality and build a culture rooted in curiosity, revision, and collective understanding. 

As media scholar Wendy Chun argues, authenticity loses all meaning in a system designed to convert attention into profit. The call to be one’s self becomes a directive to become legible to social media algorithms — sortable, marketable, and brandable. Authenticity becomes algorithmic. When pushed towards outrage or confessions, everything becomes entertainment. This media logic doesn’t just distort what we see, it changes how we think, and what we think is worth thinking about.

Feeds become echo chambers recycling ideas — those ideas are not only shaped by our biases but also by algorithms that amplify them. Content is served to mirror an existing worldview or present the most extreme opposition to it, not to foster understanding.  

In such a system, entrenchment often replaces revolution. The practice of inquiry is supplanted by repetition: louder answers, rehearsed, and regurgitated. Opinion, trauma, and rage are performed; not to deepen understanding but to remain visible. To participate. And when that is the metric, complexity becomes inconvenient. Empathy becomes inefficient. Accountability becomes irrelevant. 

The path forward isn’t certainty — it’s the willingness to reject the myth of objectivity in favour of shared, collective truth-seeking. 

The invincible ignorance fallacy (and several studies) tell us that the least informed are often the most confident in their opinions — precisely because they don’t know how much they don’t know. Even well-intentioned people falter. Fearing the backlash of cancel culture or accusations of bias, media outlets default to a false sense of balance. Every issue is treated as a two-sided debate, even when one side is factually incoherent or ethically indefensible. Case in point? The New York Times’ coverage of trans health continues to platform inaccurate information. 

So how do we begin to challenge this system and move toward better thinking? We shouldn’t be neutral. We need to be honest. To resist the manipulations of a media environment that thrives on our worst impulses: our desire to be right, our fear of exclusion, and our discomfort with complexity. The challenge is to build a culture that can hold truth, even when it implicates us. 

This is where we can learn from science. As history of science scholar Naomi Oreskes reminds us, the strength of science is not found in the infallibility of individuals or in the myth of objectivity. It lies in its social fabric — in peer review, in replication, in the collective effort to get it more correct over time. It succeeds when it accounts for bias and makes objectivity a shared process, not an individual characteristic. The way we did in rebuilding the ozone layer, despite opposition. 

The goal is to create a culture where curiosity, revision, and errors are celebrated. To acknowledge that our thinking is inevitably shaped by our biases, values, backgrounds and to create systems of accountability where we can learn to move beyond hot takes towards nuanced discussions. In a culture overrun by algorithmic outrage, curiosity is radical. The path forward isn’t certainty — it’s the willingness to reject the myth of objectivity in favour of shared, collective truth-seeking.

Bill C-5 cuts red tape in service of capitalism

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cartoon of a blond man uncovering another individual with a mask while money falls out
ILLUSTRATION: Angela Shen / The Peak

By: Yildiz Subuk, Staff Writer

In recent years, Canada has experienced record-breaking wildfires and heat waves. Climate change has caused global temperatures to rise and ecological disasters of grave magnitude. Wildfires heavily impact communities, with large property damage, poor air quality, and forced migrations as immediate outcomes. Just a month ago, 100 properties in Squamish were set under evacuation alert due to a wildfire. The June 2023 Donnie Creek wildfire resulted in enough land burned that it was comparable in size to Prince Edward Island, making it the largest fire ever recorded in BC. Our health, well-being, and our environment are on the line. The Canadian government must take environmental protection seriously. 

However, the government has taken a step backward. Prime Minister Mark Carney recently announced Bill C-5 (also known as the One Canadian Economy Act), which prioritizes economic interests while pushing aside Indigenous sovereignty and regard for the environment. It allows the government to fast-track any project deemed to be of “national interest,” causing major concerns about who this bill truly benefits. 

Bill C-5 has two parts. The first part of the bill disguises the negative, undemocratic nature of the second part. Part one focuses on removing interprovincial trade barriers. These trade barriers typically consist of regulations that restrict provinces from trading. For example, different licensing standards can discourage professionals from relocating from one province to another. As consumers, these trade barriers can be felt when purchasing alcohol from other provinces. Conservative party leader Pierre Poillivere has been a proponent of lifting these trade barriers, claiming they harm the Canadian economy. Economics professor Trevor Tombe published a paper claiming up to $200 billion is being cut from the Canadian economy due to the regulations. However, the Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives reports these numbers are based on faulty methodology, which “overstates costs due to several unrealistic assumptions about interprovincial trade.”

There is no certainty that lifting interprovincial trade barriers will benefit the average person. The Policy Alternative claims the main factors that will be impacted are the transportation of alcohol across provinces and truckers’ mobility. This part of the bill seems like an attempt to reinforce, in the public eye, the government’s focus on economic prosperity more than actually helping anyone out.

The second part of the bill is more sinister; it allows governments to fast track any project that qualifies as being of “national interest.” These projects can include building pipelines which ultimately help the fossil fuel industry. According to The Tyee, the “fast tracking” in this scenario includes overriding preexisting laws including: “Fisheries Act, Indian Act, Canada Marine Act, Species at Risk Act, and the Impact Assessment Act.” These are all important pieces of legislation that ensure environmental safety and Indigenous sovereignty. 

Despite the focus on building, this bill has put more of a strain on relations between the Canadian government and Indigenous people.”

Politicians use the term “cutting red tape” when explaining why this bill passing will be beneficial. The red tape is framed as frustrating bureaucracy, barricading Canada’s economic progress; in reality, that red tape is regulations which prohibit projects from violating Indigenous rights and causing further environmental damage. This terminology is misleading, yet also crucial in selling the bill. According to Prime Minister Carney, Canada is facing an economic crisis and to combat it the government must relay urgency in taking action — seemingly, even if it means doing more harm than good.

Indigenous leaders have criticized the bill, along with Amnesty International, claiming it can violate Indigenous people’s right to informed consent. Confederacy of Treaty Six First Nations, an Indigenous non-profit group, stated this bill will not fast track anything but rather create conflict as “The Confederacy of Treaty No. 6 First Nations will stand together to defend our rights and lands.” This bill pushes Indigenous Peoples out from debating and contesting projects being built. Despite the focus on building, this bill has put more of a strain on relations between the Canadian government and Indigenous Peoples. There’s also a reason why Indigenous communities are so opposed to such projects: sustainability.

This bill’s focus on fastracking economically beneficial projects poses serious threats to the environment. Canada’s oilsands produce some of the deadliest pollution, while actively downplaying its effects. The pollution is staggering — enough to cause sickness and other diseases, affecting air quality. The oilsands need pipelines to transport oil, so this bill is not only removing important regulation but essentially investing more into the most damaging industry in Canada. Fossil fuels, which include oil, have been the largest contributor to global warming. Global warming can manifest through wildfires, as hotter temperatures can result in wildfires worsening. 

This legislation is regressive. The oil industry does not provide long-term progress, but serves its own self interest. Those that benefit the most from pipelines are the producers and transporters, while there has been no tangible evidence that pipelines provide any proper economic relief for the working class. 

The Liberals clearly wanted to get this bill passed as quickly as possible. All members of the Conservative party also voted in favour of the bill. Meanwhile, the Bloc, NDP, and Green parties have all opposed it. The Bloc also proposed the bill should be split into two — free trade and labour being one part and fast-tracking projects the other — and each part be individually assessed by a committee. The proposal was vetoed by the Liberals. The eagerness to pass the bill is concerning, the message is deliberate as well. The way this bill is presented makes it seem like it’s a massive leap forward for nation building. The bill vaguely states it is looking to “enhance Canada’s prosperity, national security, economic security, national defence and national autonomy by ensuring that projects that are in the national interest are advanced through an accelerated process.” It strategically uses language associated with economic prosperity, to hide its hidden agenda.

The legitimacy of this bill is also validated by US president Donald Trump’s tariff threats, which aimed to economically back Canada into a corner. The bill acts as a response, indicating to the public that the Canadian government must do anything necessary to fight back. But, is an investment in fossil fuels and infringement on Indigenous rights truly serving the nation’s best interest? Or is it just a way to reinforce neoliberal policy that mainly benefits capitalism while being disguised as economic unity?