By: Niveja Assalaarachchi, News Writer
On September 4, the government of Nepal, headed by then-prime minister K. P. Sharma Oli, banned 26 social media platforms from being accessed within the country. The government introduced the ban for platforms that did not register themselves with the country’s Ministry of Communication and Information Technology, such as WhatsApp, Instagram, and Facebook. However, the ban was seen as more than a registration issue as it sparked widespread outrage over deeper socioeconomic issues in the country, such as corruption.
The Peak interviewed Dr. Rupak Shrestha, an assistant professor at SFU’s school of international studies, on the situation in Nepal. Shrestha, born in Nepal, is a political geographer whose research explores topics such as sovereignty, security, and surveillance.
On one level, “Nepal has one of the highest rates of social media users per capita in South Asia.” Shrestha discussed how daily communication, business relations, remittances from abroad, and other activities are all carried out through social media, meaning the ban would disrupt these aspects of everyday life for Nepalis.
Shrestha also pointed out how the ban was the breaking point in large-scale dissatisfaction: “Citizens were angered by a state that appeared to criminalize everyday life. For many, the ban was not [seen] as a regulatory measure but a direct attack on their ability to speak, connect, and survive in the midst of increased unemployment and deepening distrust of the state and its elite ruling class.” He noted these socioeconomic pressures, which either force many to move abroad or find work in the informal sectors, were acutely felt among the youth due to their more active role in the economy.
In the weeks leading up to the social media ban, activists launched campaigns to highlight the wealth accumulated through corruption by political elites. Corruption is deeply rooted in Nepal’s political structure, affecting most aspects of daily life. Transparency International, an anti-corruption organization, ranked Nepal 107th out of 180 countries on a scale of “very clean” to “highly corrupt.” A nepotistic political culture of appointments, combined with poor accountability for government spending, has led to scandals relating to the misuse of funds, bribery, offshore financial accounts, and money laundering.
The protestors had “non-negotiable” demands, including “the dissolution of the parliament, mass resignation of parliamentarians, immediate suspension of officials who issued the order to fire on protesters, and new elections.”
Protesters targeted key government institutions, such as the parliamentary complex, Supreme Court premises, and homes of famous politicians, setting them on fire. The violence permeated throughout the protest movement, which saw 74 protesters dead and more than 2,100 injured.
Facing mass discontent, prime minister K. P. Sharma Oli resigned from his post, citing the need for a new “political solution.” With the blessing of protesters, Shushila Karki was eventually appointed by President Ramchandra Paudel as the interim prime minister. Nepal has both a president and a prime minister. Karki is a former chief justice and has been popular among the population for her “stance against government corruption” and financial mismanagement. In her first few days, she dissolved parliament, setting the stage for federal elections by March 2026.
Shrestha highlighted how stability will come from “rethinking power itself. In Nepal, military and police power often operate as if they are distinct from the state, yet they shape its legitimacy and citizens’ everyday lives,” he continued.
“Without reforming, and in some cases dismantling/abolishing, the cohesive arm of the state, democratic futures will remain fragile.” — Dr. Rupak Shrestha, assistant professor at SFU’s school of international studies
